Thursday, December 17, 2015

THE BALFOUR DECLARATION - PALESTINE AND THE WAR - EVENTS LEADING TO LORD BALFOUR'S COMMITMENT - Draiman


THE BALFOUR DECLARATION - PALESTINE AND THE WAR - EVENTS LEADING TO LORD BALFOUR'S COMMITMENT - Draiman

"LIBERTY! FRATERNITY! EQUALITY!”

Two events conspired to put an end to the Ghetto. One was the discovery of America, releasing vast rich areas for settlement and exploitation. The other was the gradual dry rot which overtook the feudal era and its master, the totalitarian church.
Out of the ashes of this decaying order gradually developed a new force, the power of industrial capital. This new force immediately discovered itself in mortal opposition to the entire system of life the Medieval Era had erected, since it could only maintain itself by free competition and continuing consumer expansion, which meant the opening of new markets. The greater the competition among merchants and those who held the power to grant credit, the better would industry flourish.

The Ghetto was one of the medieval corporations which had to go in the interest of a speedy evolution of capitalism. Though it continued in some cities into the modern era, its fate was sealed.
It was this young and growing industrial capitalism which was the great lever creating the modem democracies, and with them the emancipation of the Jews.
The new system soon developed a philosophy justifying itself, and fiery expounders of its tenets. "Liberty! Fraternity! Equality!" became the rallying cry of the day. Leading in the van of this movement, the French revolted and solemnly declared the principle of the inalienable Rights of Man.
The question arose as to whether this queer race of the Jews whose glorious past history was long forgotten, sunk in the torpor of religious formalism, was capable of supporting such enlightened ideas. Learned debates took place as to whether, if they were enfranchised, they could take their place in an organized secular society; whether they could become soldiers, manufacturers, artisans, professional men - in short, whether they were capable of competing in the civil society which was to be based on the new order. The atheist and liberator Voltaire considered them dangerous and incurable reactionaries, a source of religious superstition. Others like Tallyrand, Montesquieu and Mirabeau asserted that the Jew must be included in the new dispensation.
Almost coincident with these events the American Revolution exploded in the face of an archaic world and based its fundamental principles on the same Rights of Man. Soon thereafter the victorious young Napoleon was carrying the doctrines of the new belief along with his cannon and gun-powder and putting them into operation by force.
In this onrush of the Liberal spirit the Western Jew miraculously found the walls of the Judengasse torn down. They fell before his eyes like the walls of Jericho, and he stood blinded and unaccustomed in the streaming sunlight. The inner glow which had made his world a place of happiness despite its drab cruelty was dimmed by the new glare.
Enthusiastically the Jews put themselves in line with this glorious theme of world brotherhood. For the first time the vernacular took the place of Hebrew in their daily life. The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries were the age of Massentau fen (mass baptism). In Berlin alone it is said that over half the Jewish community was converted in the course of one year.
Early an attempt was made to meet this wholesale desertion of Judaism by creating a new and reformed liturgy and a new attitude towards Jewish destiny. Inaugurated in Germany, `Reform Judaism' quickly took shape as a creed. Jews who had formerly considered themselves expatriate Palestinians who would in the fullness of time be returned to their own country? began to refer to themselves in Germany as `Germans of Mosaic persuasion.' The question arose as in the emancipation in Holland, whether Jews were a nation or a religious cult. This was straddled at the Reform Conference at Brunswick in 1844 by Ludwig Philippson who declared: "Every nation has its historical mission and the Jews have theirs. They are a nation dedicated to religion." This new attitude soon spread among the Jews like a devouring flame. The fine old Jewish civilization had finally become a religious cult, separate from secular life, with an ordained pastorate and all the paraphernalia of that office.
The last step in this denationalization process, in which the Reform Rabbis led the procession, was the transformation into metaphor of the doctrines of Jewish nationalism for which the race had steadfastly held over so long a period. All that now remained of laws meant to control the social and economic interests of the Jews was dead ritual.
For a brief century the ideal of again making themselves an individual force in history sank into comparative insignificance and gave place to a desire to become adapted to environment.
Both the spirit and fact of Jewish history became falsified; and Jews endeavoring to win equal rights in every sphere of human activity began to frame both their thought and action with an eye to the opinion and point of view of others. As a living force with legitimate, healthy rights of its own, Judaism was discountenanced by Jews, who had transformed themselves into neo-gentiles?.
It survived only as an innocuous shadow.

The inexorable forward movement of `toleration' hit its peak immediately after the World War. Palestine was seemingly returned to Jews who wished to go there. In the last strongholds of anti-Jewish reaction, minority clauses guaranteed by the nations of the world were put into operation. In Germany a Jew, Dr. Hugo Preuss, framed the Constitution of the Weimar Republic, hailed as the last word in justice and democracy.
Enthusiastically the Western Liberals and 'Assimilationists' went to the very point of denying the existence of a Jewish nation altogether. Learnedly they `proved' that a Jewish race could no longer possibly be in existence.
Had anyone told these enraptured Jews that the last strongholds of ignorance, meanness and tyranny would not yield but would instead reacquire a vitality and strategy capable of once more putting Liberalism desperately on the defensive, his only reply would have been a smile of pity and commiseration. How could they dream that the Germany of Mendelssohn and Lasker would become the Germany of Hitler and Goering; that throughout the civilized world the old blood libel, the old mass hysterias and slanders, the old in humaneness and cruelties, would
be revived with even increased force and viciousness. All of this was contrary to the rationale of the new order; hence it became schematically impossible.
While all this was happening, the torch of Jewish nationalism distorted and vitiated, but alive, spluttered among the masses still going about their daily tasks in the ghettos of East Europe.

'THE LOST TEN TRIBES'
In the wake of the irresistible Liberal sweep which was de-Judaizing the Jews, occurred a most remarkable phenomenon the Anglo-Saxon people, rising rapidly to world power, literally pitched themselves headlong at the same time into a Judaizing process.
Aroused by such magnetic personalities as Knox and Tyndale the British peoples retreated to creative Prophecy, to the stern and simple democracy of the Hebrew Bible. The Old Testament in particular was studied with impassioned thoroughness.
James Truslow Adams remarks that "Christ did indeed occupy a place in their [the Puritan] theology, but in spirit they may be considered Jews and not Christians. Their God was the God of the Old Testament, their laws were the laws of the Old Testament, their guides to conduct were the characters of the Old Testament."" "They baptized their children," writes Lord Macaulay, "by the names, not of Christian saints, but of Hebrew
patriarchs and warriors." Even the old Saxon names, once household words, were condemned to oblivion. "Cromwell hath beat up his drums clean through the Old Testament," comments Cleveland. "You may know the genealogy of our Saviour by the names of his regiment.”
Every attitude of the aggressive young imperialism which the Anglo-Saxon was erecting became tinctured with Hebrew philosophy.
So completely was it absorbed that a large section of the English people began to look upon themselves as being actually descended from Israelites. A whole body of literature sprang into being claiming that the word British was derived from Brith and Ish of Hebrew, meaning `circumcised man,' and that the English were descended from the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel. 
This conviction on the part of a large part of the British public became so great that it resulted in the forming of `The British-Israel World Federation,' at one time claiming over five million members and including such eminent personages as Queen Victoria and King Edward VII.
The Hebraizing spirit attended other considerable sections of the Reformation though it was particularly at home with the Anglo-Saxon peoples, whose identification with Hebrew history and philosophy became so complete as to almost appropriate it for themselves. Lecky expressed this debt in the famous remark: "Hebraic mortar cemented the foundation of American Democracy!" In the same vein Ulysses S. Grant advised his countrymen to "hold fast to the Bible. It is the sheet-anchor of
your liberties. . ." And Jean Paul bespoke his times when he
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declared that "the first leaf of the Mosaic record has more weight
than all the folios of men of science and philosophies."
Protestant theology in particular, rested on the belief that the world of mankind was evolving towards a millennium in which holiness was to be triumphant everywhere, and that a primary prerequisite to this happy eventuality was the return of God's Chosen People, the Jews, to the Holy Land .15 Supporting their position with direct quotation from Biblical Prophecy, a large group of earnest men, divines, statesmen and writers, set themselves to be the instruments to speed this desired end. Specialized histories of the Jews gained wide circulation, and it was not long before the political emancipation of Zion became a lively topic
in English politics.
By 1839 popular interest had become so intense that the General
Assembly of the Church of Scotland, after sending a special commission to the Holy Land to report on conditions there, addressed "A Memorandum to the Protestant Monarchs of Europe on the Subject of the Restoration of the Jewish People to the Land of Palestine." From this date onwards a pro-Jewish Palestinian discussion ran parallel in the London Times with the agitation over the Eastern question.
The Government, taking canny notice of this body of public feeling and being interested in the Near East on its own account, commenced to take a hand. With the entry of the murderous anti-Christian Mehemet Ali into Syria, the advocacy of Zionism became quietly identified with English foreign policy.
Interest mounted rapidly in all circles. The statesman Lord Shaftsbury became so absorbed in the project that he learned Hebrew. The colonization expert, Colonel George Gawler, devoted virtually all his time to this cause, firmly convinced that Jewish repatriation was a political desideratum for England, conveniently sanctioned by Holy Writ. A whole succession of English representatives in the Near East befriended the Jews
and took an active interest in their cause. It became a ruling passion with such men as Laurence Oliphant and the archaeologist Conger.
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A mountain of literature and a whirlpool of activity had by now been brought to bear on the matter. All these writers and orators pointed out the desolate, empty, semi-savage condition of the country. Various associations were formed to agitate the cause and monster mass-meetings were held. English statesmen such as Sir Samuel Montague guaranteed publicly that "not only will the Jews be assisted in colonizing Palestine, but practical? shape will be given to their aspiration for the restoration of the Jewish Kingdom.”
While the interest in the fate of the Jews was most spectacular and deep-seated in Britain, manifestations of it were evident everywhere.
In France, Joseph Salvador called for the assembling of a European
Congress to restore the Holy Land. Here, too, Henri Dun ant, founder of the Red Cross and author of the Geneva Conventions, was an ardent Zionist. Napoleon also is said to have contemplated the restoration of Palestine to the Jews. This is reported to have been one of the objects of his ill-fated adventure in Egypt and the Near East.
In America the second president of the United States, John Adams, announced himself an ardent Zionist who "really wished the Jews again in Judea, an independent nation . . ." The lively sympathy for Hebrew resettlement is shown also by the petition to President Benjamin Harrison submitted by Dr. Wm. Blackstone, Chairman of the Conference of Christians and Jews, in 1891. Signed by an imposing list of the greatest names in America, clergymen, corporation presidents and public officials, it offered an elaborate plan for Jewish colonization, declaring that
"not for twenty-four centuries since the days of Cyrus, King of Persia, has there been offered to any mortal such a privileged opportunity to further the purposes of God concerning his ancient people."
By 1914 a powerful non-Jewish public opinion, favoring the enterprise as a rational historical development existed everywhere.
In England itself, long habituation to this program as well as what appeared to be obvious self-interest had committed British policy to it.

THE WANDERING JEW
REAWAKENING HEBREW CONSCIOUSNESS
As unaware of all this as if it had taken place on Mars, a wholly independent movement began stirring in the Hebrew ghettos.
As early as 1857 the Hungarian Rabbi Yehuda Alkalai suggested the purchase of Palestine by a company to be formed for that purpose, and in 1864 Professor Heinrich Graetz demanded a Zionist solution for the problems confronting the Jewish race.
Others like the writers Hess, Kalisher and Smolenskin began to
voice articulate opinions.
In 1882 Leon Pinsker issued his volume Auto-Emancipation in which he demanded that the Jews redeem themselves by their own self-will. Like a lone tragic eagle, Pinsker gazed with tortured sympathy at the misery of his people. Appalled at their apathy and wretchedness he wrote: "Among the living nations of the earth the Jews occupy the position of a nation long since dead. With the loss of their fatherland, the Jewish people lost
their independence and fell into a decay which is not compatible with existence as a whole vital organism. The State was crushed before the eyes of the nations, but after the Jewish people had yielded up their existence as an actual State, as a political entity, they could not nevertheless submit to total destruction – they did not cease to exist spiritually as a nation. The world saw in this people the uncanny form of one of the dead walking among the living. The ghostlike apparition of a people without unity or organization, without land or other bond of union, no longer alive, and yet moving about among the living, this eerie form scarcely paralleled in history, unlike anything that preceded or
followed it, could not fail to make a strange, peculiar impression upon the imagination of the nations."
Finally fired by the atrocious pogroms that were taking place in South Russia a group of intellectuals formed the Chovevi Zion Society 16 which soon attempted practical work in the direction of a resettlement in the Old Land.
Jewry which had been gazing on all these vague gropings with tolerant amusement, living like a drugged man on promises of a new world order where men would live like gods, was jolted from
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this fantasy by two startling events. The first of these had been the arrest, torture and conviction of the leading Jewish notables in the city of Damascus, Syria, on a charge of having murdered a local friar for blood ritual purposes. The whole Jewish community was terrorized, with the agreement and connivance of the English and French consuls, who stated their belief that the ritual murder charge was historically proven.
In France, the very center of enlightenment, after a long barrage of anti-Semitic incitement, the Jewish officer Dreyfus was railroaded by a secret military tribunal in 1894, degraded and condemned to penal servitude for life for alleged treason. Everywhere press and populace placed the stigma on the entire Jewish community, with the weight of the Government thrown behind a deliberate persecution of those attempting to prove the
unfortunate man's innocence. It soon became so apparent that the whole case was a deliberate frame-up that the ensuing hubbub forced the authorities to retry the Jewish officer some four years later, when, under farcical circumstances, he was once more sentenced to Devil's Island.
The doughty novelist, Zola, risked his career by issuing the famous J'Accuse, exposing the outrageous nature of this affair.
Arrested, he fled to England where he went into hiding.
After an agitation which convulsed the entire civilized world, Dreyfus, who had been kept in an iron cage on the Island, was pardoned, still un-vindicated.
The anti-Semitic movement now grew with marvelous rapidity,
confounding every theory of the educators, who had held such? a result impossible. Jewry once more began to seek communion with its own organic forces. The desire for a specifically Hebrew cultural scheme in which they could live their lives out, began to arise in the minds of the unhappy creatures groping their way around tortured ghetto paths.
HERZL
Sitting quietly in the press galleries during the second Dreyfus trial was a young Viennese journalist named Theodore Herzl .17
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A thoroughly Westernized Jew who accepted the Enlightenment as a matter of course, he suddenly saw the Jewish problem outlined stark naked. Returning to Vienna, his head full of the question, all unaware that anyone had ever written on this subject before, he penned his pamphlet The Jewish State."'
Friends, de-Judaized like himself, to whom he enunciated these `revolutionary ideas,' counseled that he had been working too hard and urged him to see the great brain specialist Max Nordau, which nothing daunted, Herzl did.
One of the journalist's friends inquired anxiously of Nordau after the visit: "What do you make of him?"
"Well," said Nordau thoughtfully, "it is of course quite possible that he is crazy - but if he is, so am I, because I agree with him.)l
Tall, majestic, handsome, looking like an Assyrian god who had stepped down from an old frieze, the magnetic personality of this figure suddenly galvanized the incoherent movement into action. Until then Zionism had been resting upon a vague cultural-settlement base, with no definite scheme of control.
The great difference between Herzl's viewpoint and that of his immediate predecessors was his pointblank insistence on political guarantees before a single other step was taken. Claimed this new master: ". . . the solution of the Jewish difficulty is the recognition of the Jews as a People, and the finding by them of a legally recognized home to which Jews in those parts of the world in which they are oppressed would naturally migrate, for
they would arrive there as citizens just because they were Jews, and not as aliens." With prophetic insight Herzl insisted on complete political guarantees. He wrote: "An infiltration is bound to end in disaster. It continues until the inevitable moment when the native population feels itself crushed, and forces the Government to stop the further influx of Jews. Immigration is consequently futile unless based on an assured supremacy.”
His a priori demand was for "sovereignty over a tract of the earth's surface that is adequate for our rightful needs as a nation.”
There was something almost omniscient in the man's ability to peer into the curtained future. In a letter to the Rothschild's at
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Vienna he pointed out that the Liberal governments of Europe, apparently so firmly established in the prosperity of those days, were not to last. They would fall and would be replaced by tyrants, either royal or popular, who would be worse than the aristocracies whom the parliamentary governments had displaced .19 It took less than forty years for this prophecy to come true.
At the first Zionist Congress he predicted that the Jewish problem would inevitably be turned into the problem of Zion. "We are laying the cornerstone," he declared, "for an edifice that will house the entire Jewish nation.”
On all sides the storm of opposition mounted like a rising hurricane.
Assimilationist rabbis thundered against him in their pulpits.
The Jews of Germany, where he proposed to hold his first Congress, gazed on the man as a dangerous lunatic, so the historic Congress was held in Basle instead. But he had gotten the ear of the crushed Jewish masses and had touched their imaginations as no figure had since the ill-fated messiah Zevi.
Abused and ridiculed as few men have been in history, Herzl continued with his plan to attempt the purchase of Palestine, and to form a chartered company which was to control and direct the resettlement. He finally received an audience with the Sultan, who placed an itching palm on the table? The Zionist leader went out to find ways of covering it.
Jewish millionaires might have easily provided the 410,000,000
demanded by Abdul Hamid for a concession in Palestine, but they shied away from the idea. Herzl, hat in hand like a petitioner, presented his plan to the philanthropist Baron de Hirsch.
The great man listened benevolently and finally said: "Herr Herzl, I observe that you are an intelligent man - but you have such fantastic ideas.”
In vain Herzl cajoled and pleaded: he could not rise the money; and in the meanwhile the `Young Turks' made an end to Abdul Hamid and the Palestine negotiations together.
On the pulse of these events the British kept practiced and interested
fingers. When Herzl came to London he found to his amazement that English public opinion, joined by a government
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whose interests were coincidental to this scheme of development?
had created ready-made for him a galaxy of famous and influential
supporters. Powerful organs such as the Daily Chronicle and Pall Mall Gazette were demanding the fulfillment of the Zionist program and calling for a conference of the Powers to consider it.
Herzl had already appeared at the sittings of the Royal Commission
on Alien Immigration. Given the honor of being the first witness on the problem of Jewish homelessness and immigration, he had been questioned closely by the Commission for an exact definition of what was meant by Zionism. He replied with his usual straightforwardness that it meant the establishment of a Jewish State under absolute guarantees of political control, and nothing else.
The British now took a direct hand and offered the territory of Uganda in West Africa on a full autonomous basis under chartered rights, "a recognition," states the official British Peace Handbook No. 162, "that Herzl and his following were regarded seriously in serious quarters." Supporting the Government in this well-intentioned offer was a young   M. P. named Arthur James Balfour.
But the Russian Zionists rebelled; and at the next Congress the whole Uganda scheme was thrown out. It was Palestine or nothing. 20
Within the Zionist movement itself various schisms began to develop. The widest of these, was that of the so-called Practical Zionists who derived from the old Chovevi Zion Society. They were bitterly opposed to Herzl's policy, were uninterested in political guarantees, and stressed `cultural' and `practical' work.
One of their rising stars was the young chemist Chaim Weitzman.
Their leader was Achad Ha'am, a little pinch-faced man with a goatee and the eye of an ascetic.
Achad Ha'am represented all that his arch-enemy Herzl would never understand in his lifetime. He was born in a little village in the Pale and was brought up in an ultra-orthodox home where secular knowledge was tabu. He literally concentrated on the Talmud, and his knowledge of that book became so great that
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local rabbis would come to consult him when he was still in his early teens. He was a typical hair-splitter in words, the personified ideal of the spirit of philosophic dialecticism in the flesh.
He considered all `political' Zionists to be barbarians. "What we lack," he wrote, "is a fixed spot to serve as a national spiritual center, a safe retreat, not for Jews, but for Judaism . . . The foundation of a single great school," he insisted, "of learning or art in Palestine . . . would be, to my mind, a national work of the highest import and would do more to bring us near to our goal than a hundred agricultural colonies.”
Fanatically understood by the queer type of scholastic whose soul he interpreted, Achad Ha'am, if influence counts, was the most potent of all the modern Zionist forces. Belittling Herzl as a wild dreamer, his influence began to be apparent after the Tatter's death, and finally triumphed. He was an extremist who could care much for idea and little for men, a product and consequence of that tragic pariah world into which the gentiles had sequestered Jehovah's people.
Herzl saw what Achad Ha'am did not - what, indeed, he was incapable of seeing -that a free and living culture is not the source but the outcome of an organized and stable life, and that this contemptuous attitude towards political control could only end in one more ghettos - this time in Palestine.
It is the Hebrew tragedy that the manly Herzl should have died young and the visionary Ha'am should have lived to a ripe old age. On July 3, 1904, harassed and worn, the incomparable leader suddenly sickened and died. He was then only forty-four years old.
The Zionist movement had already begun to be encumbered with ideological contentions, and factions of various descriptions. Its leadership fell in the hands of minor worthies, followers for the most part of Achad Ha'am, who talked in learned? circumlocutory motions and all but smothered in the mantle they had inherited. Even so, carried along by its own irresistible momentum, Zionism continued to grow rapidly.

CHAPTER IV
THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
TOPOGRAPHY
The name `Palestine' occurs for the first time in Herodotus.
Like its Hebrew equivalent, Pelesheth (Land of Wanderers), it meant only Philistia. At first applied to a small section of the coast it later spread to encompass the entire country. Until the resurgent Zionist movement brought this area into the sphere of world politics its identity was largely interchangeable with that of Syria,' a generic term used to describe the entire region of Asia Minor but later contracted to cover the confines of Palestine and the block of territory immediately to the north of it.
With proprietary determination the Jew has always referred to his homeland as Eretz Israel, The Land of Israel.' The Arabs call it Esh-Sher (the Land to the Left) since it represented the northernmost limit of their natural range.
By and large, this territory must be accounted one of the most stirringly beautiful and, certainly, one of the most remarkable countries on the face of Mother Earth. It is not to be wondered by those who have seen it that "some of the finest visions of the true age of reason has been penned within its borders." 2
Here in matchless beauty can be found every climate from tropical to sub-alpine, and a bewildering variety of flora and fauna to match - all in a half hour's ride. It is possible to pass through four different zones, from the scotch fir in the hill country down to the date palm growing in its native soil on the plains of Jordan.
The valley of the Dead Sea, sultry and depressing, lays thirteen hundred feet below the level of the Mediterranean. From this strange salt lake, almost visible to the naked eye is Jerusalem, twenty-six hundred feet above sea level, where in the sparkling night air one feels as if he could reach up and touch the cold white stars. In the north the country rises precipitously to a height of
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nine thousand feet above the ocean calmly sunning itself below, and becomes alpine. On the central range, snow has been known to reach a depth of nearly two feet. This explains the feat of Benaiah who went down and slew a lion in the midst of a cistern in the day o f the snow. The beast had strayed up the Judean hills from Jordan and had been caught in a sudden storm.
A fertile plain fronts the Mediterranean for the entire length of the country except where rugged Carmel reaches down to the shore. East of this plain, finally giving way to the mountains of Judea, lie rolling foothills studded with rich valleys. South of Jerusalem this range gradually fades into a forbidding sandy waste of desert, what is left of ancient Edom, glowering in the hot sun. In the north, the historic valley of Esdraelon, ancient highway between the great land masses of Asia and Africa, splits
the mountain range which spreads across Palestine from Haifa to Jordan.

In an area but little larger than Vermont this endless variety of view seems almost theatrical. No other country can begin to match it. None has a valley like that deep gash called the Ghor, where bananas droop like lolling odalesques in the shimmering heat; nor a roll of iridescent desert like that which falls from the multi-colored rocks of Judea to the opal shores of the Dead Sea.
Yet in these neighboring hills the climate is so temperate that first rate apples may be grown; and on the hottest days the nights are cool enough to sleep under blankets.
The climate is divided roughly into a rainy and dry season, with a short period of scorching desert winds called the Humseen.
The rain falling in the three winter months becomes a deluge.
Wild flowers follow each other in stunning confusion. Glittering like precious gems, anemone, crocus, poppy, wild mignonette, oleander and narcissus sparkle in the sun just as they must have once delighted the Hebrew women in the old days.
Overhead, birds of all kinds make the air gay with their limpid notes. Whole hosts of harmless lizards of every color dart like small genii across the banks of hedge and sward. In the wilderness are tiny gazelles who look as if they had been painted on the landscape. It is claimed that there are still wolves, hyenas and

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jackals in the hills. Tristram speaks of foxes near Nablus; 3 and a crocodile is said to have been caught in the River Zerka as late as the year 1902.
Beyond this eloquent native beauty, which the hand of barbarian man is not powerful enough to destroy, the country has been stripped and starved. In parts it is a veritable carcass of a land.
Travelers gazing on Palestine for the first time, aghast at its stony hills and deserted valleys, invariably exclaim: "Can this unflavored country be indeed the Land of Promise, the land flowing with milk and honey? "
The great oak forests of Gilead, Bashan and Lebanon are gone, as are the groves of the Jordan Valley and the date palms of the maritime plain. The Hebrew laughter which once came down from the hills lives only in echo. These hills, once covered to their tops with cornfields and vineyards are dead. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that while for miles and miles there is no appearance of life or habitation in the hills of Judea except an
occasional goatherd, there is hardly a hilltop of the many within sight which is not covered by the vestiges of some fortress or city of former ages. Where now only forbidding rocks greet the eye, the soil on their steep sides was once held securely in place by ingeniously devised terraces.
The indescribably wild state of the country, before the Zionists came, is pictured graphically in the chronicles of the last century.
Some of the descriptions given are almost unbelievable. Churton
refers to the plain between Jerusalem and Jordan as "bare as a desert." 4 Walpole exclaims: "On my road I saw six ruined towns and only six living persons." s Mark Twain called it "a hopeless, dreary, heartbroken land . . . inherited only by birds of prey and skulking foxes." 6 And that staunch believer in Prophecy, the Rev. A. G. H. Hollingsworth, wept that "here is
one of the most remarkable and best situated countries in the world, without a population, without resources, without commerce." 7
West of the Jordan even the surface ruins of cities have been obliterated. Only the bare remnants of the once extensive He
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brew irrigation works crumbling on the hillsides; remain to remind the traveler that once this country was populated by a civilized people. Standing on the Moab hills and looking east, one can see nothing but a tired, worn country, as naked of signs of life as mid-ocean. In Old Testament times it included the fruitful lands of Moab, Gilead and Bashan. That this vast region was then one of the most fertile and populous on the globe is amply proven by the multitude of ruins which dot its surface at the present day. From a single outlook Merrill counted as many as forty ruined cities and towns.8 Buckingham described "ruined
towns in every direction, both before, behind, and on every side of us. . . There was not a tree in sight as far as the eye could reach." 9
Even in early Christian centuries Trans-Jordan * was so thickly settled as to be honored with the seat of a bishopric. Many Greeks drifted in and settled among the Syrian and Roman elements.
After the Fourth Century, the Bedouin Arab inundated the country and left it a wilderness again, as it remains today.
The tumbling remains of fine marble baths, great columns, and evidences
of a cultivated life now hushed in death, are looked upon by the Arab with uncomprehending eye. Merrill, with the hurt conscience of a great archaeologist, complained bitterly that these aboriginals were wantonly smashing the famous ruins.
At Jerash alone are remains unexcelled by the best antiquities of northern Damascus. Throughout the length and breadth of the land these relics may be seen, the names of many of them forgotten. Polla, overlooking the Jordan, once a great city with castle, colonnades and mausoleums, is now distinguished by only a few pillars.
Today the very names of these places are forgotten. The Bedu 10 herd their sheep in these deserted courts and make their rude beds of grass among their stones. They extract the same blackmail, and if it is withheld, sweep off the harvests in the same time-sanctified retaliation. Their frail houses of hair had been * Trans-Jordan, the territory of the Jewish National Home lying east of the River Jordan (so designated to distinguish it from Cis-Jordan, the area lying west of the River Jordan) was later detached by the British as a separate administrative area under the name of `Transjordan:
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there four thousand years before, and are there again today unchanged.
The whole of Eastern Palestine is incomparably more fertile and better watered than the western third of the country. Draining it is a number of large rivers, fed by innumerable springs, filled with fishes and other aquatic life.
Travelers glowingly describe its rich soil and natural beauty.
Irby and Mangles mention "the vast variety of natural flora; and downs with verdure so thick as to appear almost turf." 11 Lord Lindsay declares that "the whole of the country . . . on the east of the Jordan . . . is fertile in the extreme." 12 And Merrill comments that he has seen men on the plains of Gilead "turning furrows which were nearly a mile in length, and as straight as one could draw a line.”
This whole area across Jordan is one of the most favored territories on the earth. It only awaits the coming of an energetic and intelligent race to become again everything that it was in the past.

JEWISH PRE-WAR SETTLEMENTS
Historians agree that there has been no period since the time of Joshua when there has not been Jews in Palestine. If length of continuous settlement makes the case, Jewish residence of some 4400 years vastly overshadows any rival claim which can be offered.
The oldest identifiable community whose continuing record can be established are the Jews of Pekiin, a village in the hills of upper Galilee near Safed, a group which has not moved in two thousand years. This settlement is referred to in the Talmud under the name of Tekoa, and then reappears more than a thousand years later in the narrative of an early Sixteenth Century traveler.
At Bukeia in the mountains is another ancient community of Jews who claim to be descended from Israelites living there before the Dispersion; and the Samaritans at Sechem are known to have been there since the days of Nehemiah.
All through the Dispersion, Jews sought to return to their
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homeland. They trickled in from all directions after each catastrophe in the Diaspora. Most of them succumbed to massacre, forced conversion and disease. The rest were turned into broken spirited men whose cowed eyes became hypnotized by mere liturgical devotions.
The first practical steps for modern colonization were taken in Russia where Zionism was growing rapidly. About 1880, a group of students, mostly from the University of Odessa, formed a group called `Bilu.' 13 They took oath to renounce their studies and to devote their lives working at common labor for the reconstruction of the Land of Israel.
Students with soft white hands and determined wills, began to arrive in small groups. The great-hearted Englishman, Oliphant, his head full of idyllic schemes for buying the country from the Sultan, found a number of them stranded in Galilee. He helped they found what is now the prosperous colony of Zichron Jacob, near Haifa. Through him, also, the aid of the philanthropist Baron Edmund de Rothschild was enlisted for the struggling cause.
Soon at Petach Tikvah a thriving agricultural colony was established.
Jewish resettlement had begun in dead earnest.
By 1883, three thousand of these hardy dreamers had landed in Jaffa.
Progress continued quietly and steadily. Arabs attracted by the magnetizing vitality of the returning Jew began to drift in from impoverished Syria, from Egypt, and from the desert wastes.
Palestine was making enormous strides. As far back as 1900; a British consular report recognized that "there can be no doubt that the establishment of the Jewish colonies in Palestine has brought about a great change in the aspect of that country”; and in 1904 another consular report reiterates that "the Jewish element is spreading all over Palestine and represents today the most enterprising part of the population."
Exports from the port of Jaffa had jumped to 682,000 in 1911, from C 264,000 in 1900.* A Blue Book issued by the British Board of Trade in 1911 acknowledges that "the chief feature * The Palestine Pound is worth approximately the same as the English Pound Sterling -or about $5.00 in American money.
THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
51
of the economic development of Palestine in the past year was the Jewish immigration."
By 1914 the Jews had increased to over 100,000. There were now fifty-four agricultural colonies, with a total area of 110,000 acres. New land was being rapidly purchased, garden suburbs laid out. The all-Jewish city of Tel Aviv was growing out of its swaddling clothes. The pace of building was feverish. A great new wave of immigration was gaining momentum. Zionism had seemingly won its battle and was about to cash in on its
investment of blood, courage, lives and money.
The official British Peace Handbook on Zionism thus describes the settlements: "The Jewish agricultural colonies, which have grown up during the past 25 years, show a level of agricultural and scientific development far ahead of anything else in Palestine . . . The colonies are inhabited by strong and healthy agriculturists living in clean, well-built houses and possessing a high degree of commercial and political organization as well as a distinctive social life. . . The children think and talk in Hebrew, and all the colonists possess the newly acquired national consciousness. . . "
So stood the Jewish effort at reclaiming their homeland, at the beginning of the World War, when they wholeheartedly threw their destiny into the balance with that of the Allies. They had already achieved a solid foundation for a sound national economy.
Soon they were to have the solemn promise of the nations for a charter which would finally end the tragedy of Jewish homelessness.

CHAPTER
CHAPTER V
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION - PALESTINE AND THE WAR
Indirectly, the World War was fought for possession of the Near East. The natural route for expansion of the mushrooming industrial growths of Europe lay in the direction of the great sluggish masses of Asia where vast consumer needs and untapped natural riches excited the cupidity of Europe's imperialists.
All great conquerors whose interest was divided between East and West have considered the possession of the land bridge between the Mediterranean and the Euphrates essential to their security. Assyria and Egypt spilled out their life blood for it.
It was pivotal to the empires of Macedon and Rome. Napoleon made a desperate bid for it when his ambitious eyes stretched longingly toward the rich mysterious East. It was the `Near East Question' which lay at the bottom of the plotting and maneuvering that led to the Balkan and Crimean Wars.
Here Great Britain, Russia, Germany and France engaged in a sometimes open, sometimes hidden, struggle for the most important intercontinental routes of this planet, and with them, world power and influence.
Britain was aiming at complete domination of Asia. She already held fabulously rich India by the throat. Her interests in China, and in lesser countries, had grown to gigantic proportions.
The only formidable competitor who developed during this period was Germany whose great commercial barons were now looking at the wealthy East with scarcely concealed appetite.
The Kaiser and his entourage realized that here was the path to power. Moreover, it was here that they considered Britain to be vulnerable. The whole course of German policy centered around the Drang nach Osten (Drive to the East), whose undeclared objective was to cut the lifelines of British communications with India and the East. Berlin had already established a
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THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
53
clear pathway through the Balkans. The dying Turkish Empire was flooded with German generals, engineers, diplomats and agents. "The Baghdad Railway was pushing rapidly down towards Mesopotamia. When it got to the Tigris and Euphrates, it would proceed to Basra, and thence, somehow, to Karachi and Calcutta and Delhi. Everyone in Whitehall and in The City knew that, and knew what it would mean." 1
Here was the most potent threat the British Empire had faced in generations. If the German plans were allowed to come to a head, the Reich would be in an infinitely better position to deal commercially in the East than Britain who held the paramount political position. It would mean whopping big orders for German goods of all kinds, from steel down to knickknacks. It would present the threat of a half million Teuton warriors who could be transported within a matter of days by train from Berlin to the very gates of India.
It was imperative to British strategy that the German drive to the East be halted at the gateway of the Asiatic continent. It was apparent that Great Britain must control the Near East if her Empire was to survive. Like two great patient cats England and Germany watched each other, unspoken challenge, suspicion and hate staring from their eyes. Another predatory creature, the Russian bear, as well as minor scavengers, stood by. The
two feline antagonists had stalked each other for a decade, tensely
awaiting der Tag, when the fight was unexpectedly precipitated by the explosion at Sarajevo which signaled the outbreak of the World War.
Though the primary struggle was between the rival economic ambitions of the English and Germans, the French too had their eye on this strategic sector. In March 1915, Paris made a claim for the ultimate control of all Syria including Palestine. In November 1915, M. Picot again insisted that the whole of Syria down to the Egyptian frontier must be assigned to France. Finally in May of 1916, a secret agreement was concluded known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement, dividing up the spoils of the `war for
democracy' in advance. Under this agreement Palestine was to be made International, with the exception of Haifa and neighboring Acre,
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THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
which were to go to England. The entire Mediterranean littoral was to go to France, whose influence was also to be paramount in Damascus, Aleppo and Mosul.
From 1788 till 1914, Great Britain had fought some twenty wars to keep the route to India open. Now for this identical reason, to put a complete end to the German Drang nach Osten, she was fighting the Great War with Germany. With farsighted suspicion she saw the friend of today as the enemy of tomorrow, and looked askance at France and the French demands. Anxiously the British Foreign Office began casting its eyes around for some plausible method to forestall the ambition of it’s powerful ally.

EVENTS LEADING TO LORD BALFOUR'S COMMITMENT
By the autumn of 1917, after a startling attack by the Turks on the Suez Canal, a wholly new idea had taken possession of the minds of politicians and strategists. It was obvious that a protective bastion had to be created to buttress the artery of communications with India. Such a plan made necessary absolute possession of the Palestinian coast as well as the Judean hills that command it. Now, reasoned Britain's strategists, would be an auspicious time to revive the old Palestine. In this way, instead
of the proverbial two birds who were killed with one stone, a miracle could be maneuvered to make it three. First, an end would be put to French pretensions to control over this vital area. Scarcely less important, the enthusiastic support of the Jews all over the world to the Allied cause could be gained. And still a third factor, not to be overlooked, was the poverty of Judea and the surrounding desert. If the Jews would undertake to form a country here and would invest the necessary money, Britain would achieve every result it hoped for; and this ideal fortress for the imperial lifeline, being self-supporting, would not cost the Royal Exchequer a penny.
All this sounded too good to be true, and the Government began putting out feelers to see if it could be finagled through. So
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
55
potent, in fact, did this new policy appear that already on November 22, 1915 a leading article in the Manchester Guardian stated that Palestine must be created as a Jewish Nation to act as a buffer state for Egypt, and concluded quite seriously that "on the realization of that condition depends the whole future of the British Empire as a sea empire.”
From a purely military viewpoint, the friends of this idea in Britain urged that "the only possible colonists of Palestine were the Jews." Only they could build up in the Mediterranean a new dominion associated with Britain from the outset in Imperial work, at once a protection against the alien East and a mediator between it and England .3
Still other factors of pressing importance were at work. Lloyd George, wartime Prime Minister, was anxious to bring over the United States to the Allied side and was attempting to make good on the propaganda that the War was fought for democracy and for the righting of old wrongs. There was also the fear that Germany itself would declare for Zionism. The German Government was fully alive to the importance of rallying Jewish opinion to her side. It was suspected that the Kaiser was thinking of following Napoleon's example in his Eastern campaign. The German
ruler had once declared to Herzl, when the two met in Palestine, that he was willing to undertake the `mandate' for the Zionist settlement in Palestine if Turkey would agree .4 News reached the British Foreign Office that Baron Rosen, German Ambassador to the Hague, had been in conference with leading Dutch Jews.
Aside from specifically British questions of policy, the hard-pressed Allied spokesmen were poignantly aware of the instability of their ally Russia, in whose army six hundred thousand Jews were serving, men who were fighting for a government they hated, and whose success could mean nothing but degradation for them and their families. The Allies were aware that the propaganda bureau of the Central Powers was exploiting this fact for all it was worth. Daily, proclamations were scattered over
the Eastern battlefront informing Jews that German victory
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meant liberty for them; s and in all neutral countries adroit advantage was being taken of the propaganda story which set the Kaiser's legions up as crusaders in a war of liberation.
Thus in a large sense the alliance of the Western Powers with Russia was a direct liability, souring any sympathy either Jews or Liberals might have had for their cause. This the declaration for a Jewish commonwealth was designed to correct. Said the British Foreign Office at the time: "The persecuting Governments became our friends, and Palestine was a most important factor in the war policy of the Allies." 6
Among the details is a significant aide-memoirs by the British Embassy in Petrograd to Sazanov, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, on March 13, 1916, reading ". . . Although as is known, many Jews are indifferent to the
idea of Zionism, yet a numerous, and the most influential, part of Jewry in all the countries would very much appreciate an offer of agreement concerning Palestine which would completely satisfy the aspiration o f the Jews.
"If the above view is correct, then it is clear that by utilizing the Zionist idea important political results can be achieved.
Among them will be the conversion, in favor of the Allies, of Jewish elements in the Orient, in the United States, and in other places, elements whose attitude at the present time is to a considerable extent opposed to the Allies' cause.
". . . The only purpose of H. M. Government is to find some arrangement, sufficiently attractive to the majority of the Jews, which might facilitate the conclusion of an agreement ensuring the Jewish support."
The rumors that Germany was attempting to get Turkey's consent to some sort of pro-Zionist declaration crackled along the grapevine route. President Wilson, raised on Bible Prophecy, allowed it to be known in London that he would welcome a British pronouncement in favor of the Zionists.
When the inevitable happened and the great Russian bear began to collapse, the question of an alliance with Jewry took on even greater importance. Jewish influence in Russia was supposed to be considerable. Jews were playing a prominent part
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
57
in the revolution - but they were greatly divided. "Some were for peace at any price, some for the maintenance of the alliance with the Western Powers; many were utterly uninterested in Zionism and had found a messiah in Karl Marx . . ." 7 But the great bulk of the Russian Jews were known to be Zionists; and with calculating eye the British computed that the alliance with Jewry might have permanent value. Zionism became an important political issue.
Negotiations were instituted with the Jewish leaders to sound them out on this pressing subject and to determine their demands.
By February 1917 the way had been prepared for a formal meeting
with Sir Mark Sykes of the British Foreign Office. Soon after, Mr. . Nahum Sokolov, representative of the Zionist Organization, opened discussion with the French and Italian Governments.
In July the Zionists submitted a memorandum to the British Cabinet suggesting the formula to be used in an official pronouncement of sympathy for their cause.

STRUGGLE WITH THE NON-ZIONISTS
If the purposes and aims of the Zionist movement needed clarification in anyone's mind, a circumstance at once occurred supplying that deficiency. The intentions of the Government were no sooner manifest than a loud and violent protest was set up by certain classes of Jews in England, France and America.
Among them were the `new thinkers' who, enveloped in a cloud of Marxist pharisaism, saw the projected return to Zion as a reactionary
movement which violated their `deep Socialist convictions.'
Others were the great capitalists, who were afraid that any declaration in favor of a Jewish State might place their hard-won social position in jeopardy. Included in this strange gathering of the clans were the ultra orthodox fanatics who were awaiting the divine Messiah; and the Reform Rabbis whose tissue-paper houses this new movement seemed destined to destroy.
The Conjoint Committee, the most influential of all Jewish bodies in England, issued a public attack on the `political character’
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of the Zionist demands, asserting that the Jews were only a religious community and not a nation. "The granting of a charter for Palestine to the Jews," it declared heatedly, "would be a disaster for all Jewry, since the equal status of the Jews with the other citizens of different States would thereby be risked.”
Immediately the Zionists replied with vigor. The press of the day was full of the argument, with' the Government and the entire gentile world solidly on the pro-Zionist side .8
"Under the pressure of Allied needs," says the official British historian at the subsequent Peace Conference, "the objections of the anti-Zionists were either overruled or the causes of objections removed. . ." s At that time the Zionists could have practically written their own ticket, since there was no subject on which everyone but the Jews themselves were so unanimously agreed as the matter of a pro-Zionist declaration. The only powerful opponent of this course in the Government was the India Office,
ultra-Islamic under a Jewish Secretary of State.
Although the members of the Conjoint Committee had been hopelessly buried under an avalanche of public ridicule, certain changes were made in the wording of the Declaration to placate them.
As early as October 19 16, the Zionist leaders in Britain had already submitted to the Government a formal "program for a new administration of Palestine and for, a Jewish resettlement in accordance
with the aspirations of the Zionist movement.”
On February 7, 1917, Sir Mark Sykes communicated with Weitzman and Sokolov, together with M. Georges Picot, representing the French Government." This was the first of a series of round-table conferences. Its full minutes, as well as those of subsequent sessions, were transmitted to the American Zionist Organization by officials of the British War Office.
Throughout the negotiations President Wilson who, as early as 1911 had made known his profound interest in the Zionist idea, was intimately consulted; and all drafts of the proposed Declaration were submitted to the White House for approval.
The formula accepted in July 1917 by the British Cabinet read: "H. M. Government, after considering the aims of the

THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
59
Zionist Organization, accepts the principle of recognizing Palestine as the National Home of the Jewish people, and the right of the Jewish people to build up its national life in Palestine under a protection to be established at the conclusion of peace, following upon the successful issue of the War.
"H. M. Government regards as essential for the realization of this principle, the grant of internal autonomy to Palestine, freedom of immigration for Jews, and the establishment of a Jewish National Colonizing Corporation for the resettlement and economic development of the country.
"The conditions and forms of the internal autonomy and a charter for the Jewish National Colonizing Corporation should, in the view of H. M. Government, be elaborated in detail and determined with the representatives of the Zionist Organization." 11
One of the changes introduced to mollify the anti-Zionist Jews was the substitution of the phrase "the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine" for the previous wording, "the establishment of the Jewish National Home in Palestine." 12
By November 2, 1917, after its wording had been sufficiently
emasculated to suit the `ideals' of Jews all around, Lord Balfour placed it in the form of a letter to the pro-Zionist, Lord Rothschild, reading as follows:
"I have much pleasure in conveying to you on behalf of His Majesty's Government the following declaration of sympathy with the Jewish Zionist aspirations, which has been submitted to and approved by the Cabinet.
"His Majesty's Government view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
"I should be grateful if you would bring this Declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.”
Ironically enough, the second part of the Declaration, which was since construed by Britain to make it a self-annulling document,
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was inserted on the insistence of the Zionists themselves, partly to meet the objections of Sir Philip Magnus, Mr. . Claude Montefiore and other powerful non-Zionist Jews; and partly as a symbol of that "nobility of social vision" with which the strangled ghetto mind was obscured. 13
Written by Achad Ha'am, this proviso was not in any remote sense considered as a modification of the Declaration but rather as a polite sop to quiet the fears of the non-Zionist Jews, and an equally considerate makeweight assurance to the various religious communities scattered over the Holy Land.
All of these alterations and changes in the British Government's
commitment, says Herbert Sidebotham, then secretary to Premier Lloyd George, "were inserted in deference to the opinion of a minority, in the hope of securing complete unanimity among Jews . . . It was certainly no British interest, either at this stage or later, that weakened the scope of the promise and infected it with ambiguity." 14
The Zionist negotiators, naive and inexperienced, felt that the introduction of these nice, virtuous phrases in their magna carat was a fitting and seemly gesture with which to begin their great adventure. Herzl, who had the gift of seeing beyond his nose, would have known better.

WHAT DID THE DECLARATION MEAN?
In view of the cool disclaimers which were to come later, it is interesting to note what interpretation was placed on the British Government's Declaration to the Jews at the time. Whatever bearing it might have had on the commendable questions of humaneness and justice, it could hardly be regarded as a wholly benevolent gesture. Balfour himself, handsome, clever and icy, was no mere romantic. He who had pacified Ireland with guns and was known as `Bloody Balfour' in consequence, could hardly be accused of suddenly developing a philanthropic complex in favor of Jews.
The benefits immediately accruing to the Allied cause need hardly be argued. Certainly the tremendous number of Jewish

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61
soldiers fighting in the Armies of the Western Powers were fired by this warm earnest of good faith. Nor can one estimate the weight of Jewish influence in neutral countries, which dropped heavily on the Allied side of the scales. Nor the enthusiastic aid given to the Allenby invasion of Palestine. Nor the stirring effect of the Jewish Legion, fighting to right the oldest wrong in history, on the imaginations of Jewry and the world. Nor the fillip it gave the Allied claims when Palestine, the first conquered territory, was trumpeted to all humanity as newly liberated.
Not only was the effect of this superb piece of propaganda felt in all neutral countries but it was immediate in its reaction on the morale of the Central Empires, with their stew of subject races, accelerating the cleavage then taking place between the subject nationalities and their overlords. Worthy of note, too, is the boldness with which the German Zionist Conference in Berlin adopted and cabled a Resolution "greeting with satisfaction the fact that the British Government has recognized in an official declaration the right of the Jewish people to a national existence in Palestine." In fact, after the British announcement, the Central Powers did all they could to win the Zionist movement over to their side. They formulated a rival proposition, involving a chartered company with a form of self-government and the right of free immigration into Palestine; and "by the end of 1917 it was known that the Turks were willing to accept a scheme on those lines." 15
Wholeheartedly the great and important body of fundamentalist Christian opinion, hating war for any proclaimed purpose, rose to the bait. Jannaway expresses this profound conviction in his book, Palestine and the World, asserting that Biblical Prophecy was being fulfilled exactly as predicted, thus placing Jehovah squarely on the side of the Western Powers.
"Indeed," says a semi-official British publication, "support of the Zionist ambitions promised much for the Allies . . . That it is in purpose a direct contract with Jewry is beyond question." 18
This was acknowledged plainly by General Smuts, member of the War Cabinet, who speaking retrospectively some years later, asserted that "the Declaration was intended to rally the powerful

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Jewish influence for the Allied cause at the darkest hour of the War”; a statement which David Lloyd George, Winston Churchill and others, emphatically reiterated.
The Declaration was unreservedly endorsed by the other Powers.
On June 4, 1917 the French Government, through its Minister, M. Cambon, formally committed itself to "the renaissance of the Jewish nationality in that Land from which the people of Israel were exiled so many centuries ago." Even in faraway China, Wang, Minister of Foreign Affairs, assured the Zionists that "the Nationalist Government is in full sympathy with the Jewish people in their desire to establish a country for
themselves." 17
In America, echoed by practically every official of public importance,
President Wilson wrote that "the Allied nations, with the fullest concurrence of our own Government and people, are agreed that in all of Palestine shall be laid the foundations of a Jewish Commonwealth."
In gratitude the American Jewish Congress cabled H. M. Government, on November 2, 1917, its desire that Great Britain should be given the trusteeship, "acting on behalf of such League of Nations, as may be formed, to assure the development of Palestine into a Jewish Commonwealth . . ."
In the United States Congress, members expressed general accord with "the British Declaration in favor of a Jewish State in the Holy Land." The minutes of its sessions show that this understanding had not altered by an iota five years later, when the American Congress was induced to put its seal of approval, by resolution, on the selection of Great Britain as the Mandatory for Palestine.
The utterances of the Cabinet ministers who framed the Declaration were no less emphatic. General Smuts asserted that "in generations to come you will see a great Jewish State rising there once more." Declared Lloyd George grandly ". . . Great Britain extended its mighty hand in friendship to the Jewish people to help it to regain its ancient national home and to realize its age-long aspirations." Said Lord Robert Cecil "Our wish is that Arabian countries shall be for Arabs, Armenia for the Armenians and Judea for the Jews." And on another

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occasion he lumped the whole matter in a nutshell, telling the excited Zionists: "We have given you national existence. In your hands lies your national future." Lord Balfour was no less clear. "The destruction of Judea 1900 years ago," he asserted, "was one of the greatest historical crimes, which the Allies now endeavor to remedy."
British newspapers were as one in their mighty paean of approval.
Without exception they spoke of "the new Jewish State which is to be formed under the suzerainty of a Christian Power.”
Across the water, the American newspapers echoed these remarks in the same expansive detail. A representative editorial of the time explains: "The Zionists are that group of Jews who wish to found a Jewish Republic in Palestine with Jerusalem as the capital.
. . The British cabinet has pronounced in favor of Zionism."18

CHAPTER VI
BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS - MARCHING JEWS

Anti-Zionists invariably stress the part played by the Arabs during the War, inferring that the sons of Ishmael earned their patrimony, and that the Jews, who had done nothing, insolently demanded a chunk of the Arab pie when the spoils were being divided.
Actually the Jewish share in the victory was significant, well justifying in value received the solemn bargain made with world Jewry to reconstitute the Land of Israel as a living factor among the nations.
In the neutral countries the Allied cause, associated everywhere in the Jewish mind with justice and equity, was given invaluable support. Jews fought in the armies of the entire Western Powers. Over a hundred thousand Jewish soldiers were killed in action. In the British Empire itself, out of a total community of 425,000 Jews, 50,000 were in uniform. In true Maccabean spirit they earned more than their share of honors and decorations on the battlefield. One of them was the heroic Sir John Monash, leader of the Australians.
Behind the lines, the Zionist leader Chaim Weitzman was the genius directing the Admiralty Chemical Laboratories. According to Lloyd George, he "absolutely saved the British army at a critical moment" by devising a substitute for exhausted English supplies of acetone, used in making the basic material in gunpowder.
Among others, Sir Alfred Stern invented the tank, which saved the Western Powers from annihilation during the latter part of the fighting. Solomon J. Solomon created the idea of camouflage, allowing harassed Allied shipping to run the U-boat blockade. Everywhere Jewish brains, money, valor and enthusiasm were placed wholeheartedly at the service of the Allies.

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BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS 65
In Palestine itself, as a result of their commitment to the Western Powers, Jews were tortured, executed and deported. When the final truce came; fully half of them were dead or had fled abroad.
In 1915 Palestinian refugees in Egypt had organized the Zion Mule Corps under the leadership of dashing Captain Trumpledor, a one-armed veteran of the Russo-Japanese War. Colonel Patterson, the British officer who led these men in the ill-fated Gallipoli campaign, declared: "I have been in the army a long time, but I never saw anything like the way those Zionists picked up the art of soldiery." For the first time since Roman days, the Zion Mule Corps fought under the proudly floating Jewish ensign, the blue and white Mogen David (Shield of David).
In the meanwhile a brilliant young Russian writer, Vladimir Jabotinsky, had been scurrying around in an attempt to organize a legion of Jewish volunteers from the Diaspora countries to fight directly under the Jewish flag. With rare insight he pointed out that words and promises were soon forgotten and that the most enduring Jewish title to the Holy Land would come from a direct investment of Jewish blood under a Jewish flag.
The influential capitalist Jews were aghast. They put pressure on the British War Office to stop this little impassioned Zionist with the under slung jaw who they believed was jeopardizing their position in the gentile world with his lunatic nonsense.
But the British needed this Jewish regiment for publicity purposes: they had made themselves the champion of the oldest betrayed nationality in existence, impressive to the Poles, Czechs, Armenians, etc., who had been listening to the noble assurances of the Western Powers with their tongues in their cheeks. The War Office consequently overrode the objections of the anti-Zionists and allowed Jabotinsky to form The Jewish Regiment.
As the protest of the scared English Jews became louder, the regiment's name was changed to The Judeans, official sub-title for the 38th Royal Fusiliers. Following hard on its heels came another Jewish battalion, the 39th Fusiliers.
London was groggy with excitement. The official propagandists did not miss this glamorous opportunity to exploit the

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sheer romance of the historic occasion. At a giant mass meeting seeing the Jewish warriors off, the Hon. G. N. Barnes, M.P., spoke fulsomely in the name of His Majesty the King. He eulogized the Jewish soldiers as "fellow fighters for freedom," and assured his listeners that "the British Government proclaimed its policy of Zionism because it believes that Zionism is identified with the policy and aims for which good men and women are struggling everywhere.”
In Palestine The Judeans were joined by Colonel Patterson's seasoned campaigners, the Zion Mule Corps. The Jewish national anthem rang in their ears as they marched, and over their heads waved the Jewish flag.
Wildly enthusiastic, the able-bodied Jews in the conquered territory
enlisted. With an appreciation almost reverential the British Peace Handbook No. 6o announced that "the most important event which has taken place . . . since our occupation, has been the recruiting of the Palestine Jews, whatever their national States, into the British Army . . . Practically the whole available Jewish youth of the Colonies . . . came forward for voluntary enlistment in the Jewish Battalions.”
The distinguished service rendered by these Jewish regiments is indelibly written in the records. Said General Bartholomew "For the Turks the end of the War was dependent upon maintenance of the Jordan front against Allenby and on this decisive sector of the front not the Arab Army fought, but the Jewish Legion." 1 It was the Jews, who took the fords of the Jordan, thus opening the way for the passage of the British Army and
contributing in great measure to the brilliant victory at Damascus.
This was amply confirmed by General Chaytor, leader of the Australian and New Zealand cavalry and Commander-in-Chief of all troops in the Jordan Valley, who emphasized publicly "the facts of the heroic struggle made by the 38th and 39th Fusilier Battalions," who had marched on to conquer Transjordan and had thus contributed heavily to the victory over the Fourth Turkish Army.2
Of fully as great importance was the voluntary intelligence service rendered by the celebrated Nili Society all over the Holy

BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS 67
Land. Organized by the scientist Alexander Aronson, 3 its daring exploits were largely instrumental in the success of Allenby's campaign. Far from giving the invaders any help, the Palestine Arabs were, as we shall see, either apathetic or directly hostile.
Spiritedly the Palestinian volunteers addressed themselves to Colonel Patterson when he landed with his Jewish boys: "We are convinced that Britain's victory is ours and our victory Britain's. This war and Balfour's declaration have made us a sister nation of England. We hope to convince by our fighting that the soul of the Macabees has not dried up and that we know how to countersign Balfour's declaration with our own blood." 4

They had every reason to feel `convinced.' In April 1917 the British War Department had issued a statement on War Aims in the Near East in which it was proclaimed that "Palestine was to be recognized as the Jewish National Home . . . The Jewish population present and future throughout Palestine is to possess and enjoy full national, political and civic rights. . .
The Suzerain Government shall grant full and free rights of immigration into Palestine to Jews of all countries . . . The Suzerain Government shall grant a charter to a Jewish Company for the colonization and development of Palestine, the Company to have the power to acquire and take over any concessions for works of a public character . . . and the rights of preemption of Crown lands or other lands not held in private or religious ownership, and such other powers and privileges as are usual in
Charters or statutes of similar colonizing bodies." These statements were simultaneously reduced by the Allied war propagandists to brief slogans and exploited to the fullest advantage everywhere.
Addressing the first Conference of Jews in the liberated area, Major W. Ormsby-Gore, later as Colonial Secretary to suffer a serious case of amnesia, orated for His Majesty's Government as follows
"Mr. Balfour has made a historic declaration with regard to the Zionists: that he wishes to see created and built up in

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Palestine a National Home for the Jewish People. What do we understand by this? We mean that those Jews who voluntarily come to live in Palestine, should live in Palestine as Jewish nationalists . . . You are bound together in Palestine by the need of building up a Jewish nation in all its various aspects, a national center for Jewry all over the world to look at." A  
The marching Jews listened. The great dream which had inspired the Jewish mind for so many long centuries, seemed about to be realized. They believed Britain's word implicitly.

REVOLTING TRIBESMEN
Part of Lloyd George's technique during the War was connected with the old art of inciting dissatisfaction within the enemy camp. This practice had proven especially effective with the moribund Austro-Hungarian Empire, and several capable agents, including the famous Lawrence, were sent to
Arabia to foment an insurrection there if possible.
The English started with little in their favor. To speak of Turkish oppression of the Arab was actually an absurdity, unless one referred to the Levantine Christian on the coast. The constitution of the Ottoman Empire was the Arab's Koran from which the Turk derived his law, religion and culture. Even the Turkish language became half Arabic; and it was only with the later revolution under Kemal Pasha that the decadent Arab
cultural pattern which ruled the life of the Ottoman nation was eliminated.
Under Turkish suzerainty the Arab areas were virtually independent, razed by local chiefs whose authority was recognized? by the Sultan. Arabs held high position all over the Empire. The Sultan's Guards were almost completely Arab.
The schools and army were dominated by them. Even the Prime Minister, Mahmoud Chawkat Pasha, was an Arab.
The whole system of Muslimism itself practically precluded any idea of national sentiment, until it began to arise under the stimulus of British agitators. In Baghdad some Arabs of vaulting ambition had formed Nationalist Committees, but the

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mass of townsmen and fellaheen were utterly apathetic to any nationalist feeling. Regional sectarianism was everywhere the rule. The Shiahs did not desire a Sunni government; nor would the Sunnis tolerate a Shiah rule, while the mass of tribesmen did not desire any government at all.
As matters rested, the British were compelled to create a completely
synthetic situation if they were to have the great Arab revolt come off. They decided to rely on private rivalries and ambitions; and here they made a shrewd guess: the desert was a hotbed of rapacity, hatreds and feuds.
Sitting immobile in the Hejaz was the Sherif Hussein, descendant of the Prophet and unbending hater of Christians and all their works. Almost alone among the Arabian princes he was the nominee of the Turks. His measure may be gained from the fact that he even prohibited talking-machines in his kingdom, believing them to be the invention of the devil.
On the other side of Hussein was his mortal enemy, the gigantic Ibn Saud of Nejd. Saud, a good hater who believed in the old Mohammedan tenets of conversion by disemboweling, was also in conflict with the powerful Emir of Hail, who was being supported by the Turks.
The British wanted Hussein for the moral effect they presumed his name would have on the Faithful, and made overtures to him early. Part of these `negotiations' lay in the bland threat to feed him outright to the ferocious Saud, to whom they were handing a subsidy of 45,000; a month to insure his neutrality.
To make the argument more pointed, Britain politely withheld the annual donation from Egypt to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, threatening the Hejaz with bankruptcy, since this pilgrimage provided the barren land with its chief source of revenue.
The Sherif had still other and more urgent considerations to hasten his decision. One of these was the British naval blockade of the Arabian coast, "inevitably aggravating the internal distress caused by the lack of pilgrims." 8
That Hussein's over-lordship of the Holy Places would make him an acceptable leader to all the Arabs of the Peninsula turned out to be an error. Even at that time, his mortal enemy, Saud,

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was the principal power in South Central Arabia as was another mutual opponent, Ibn Rashid of Hayil, in the North Central part.
Nor would the great sheikhs, such as those of the Huwallah, the Shammar, or the Mutair accept Hussein's over lordship, or even permit him to speak for them. 7
The whole business degenerated into a confused medley of intrigue, directed by a multitude of British agencies acting under conflicting instructions and authority; the powerful India Office, for example, bucked the traces completely and gave encouragement to Ibn Saud as the logical leader of the rebellion.
Just what kind of `Arab patriot' Hussein was, may be learned from the fact that he allowed a contingent of volunteers to be recruited in his territory for the abortive Turkish expedition to the Suez Canal in February 1915, and used his influence to assist the crew of the German cruiser Emden which had been harassing British communications off the Red Sea Coast.9 Thus he negotiated with Turks and British alike until he could make sure he was backing the right horse. Actually all he wanted or hoped to secure was complete independence in his own corner of southwestern Arabia, military support against his rival, Ibn Saud and unfettered control of the lucrative pilgrim revenue.
Finally, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, Sir Henry McMahon tried his hand. He found Hussein a good horse trader, non-committal and holding out for the highest bidder.
In order to force the `Arab patriot' to move, the British had to submit to as fine a mulcting as they have ever experienced.
The Agreement entered into early in 1916, reads that "The Government of Great Britain agrees to furnish this Arab Government with all its needs of arms and ammunition and money during the War." What this transaction was like is more than explained in the wireless received by McMahon's confidential assistant, Sir Ronald Storrs, just before the `rebellion' broke out.
It read: "Foreign Office has approved payment of £ 10,000 to Abdullah and £ 50,000 to Sherif of Mecca. But this latter payment only in return for definite action and if a reliable rising takes place." 10 All told, the English handed over to the Sherif

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a cool £ 1,000,000 in materials and money, and stimulated his patriotism with grandiose promises of personal power." Nothing else than this flood of gold, writes Lawrence cynically, "would have performed the miracle of keeping a tribal army in the field for five months on end." And C. S. Jarvis, English Governor of Sinai Peninsula, comments that Arab actions from
start to finish "proved that they were only interested in the revolution for three objects in the following order of importance - gold, loot, and the satisfactory clearing up of their own daraks or areas." 12 Indeed, the only time a full muster of the `patriots' could be counted on was payday.
The whole `campaign of the desert' was a strangely inept piece of business, vastly enlarged on by British publicists for outside consumption. A good account of it is given by the French General, Edouard Bremond; in his book Le Hedjaz dans la Guerre Mondiale. Hussein himself is described as "an obstinate, narrow-minded, suspicious character," so insanely jealous of his son Feisal that he was forever issuing from his throne in Mecca, out of sheer pique, "orders that from time to time jeopardized the cause." 13
Observers, neutral and friendly, have described the character of these purchased levies. They were not, by our standards, good soldiers. Bloodless victories were the kind that they appreciated, and Lawrence's understanding of this preference dictated his whole strategy of irregular warfare. Colonel Wilson, the English representative at Hussein's court, contemptuously refers to them as "a cowardly and undisciplined rabble”;
and Lawrence makes no bones about their cowardice under Turkish fire. 14 "Lawrence knew," says Jarvis, "that if his Arabs suffered heavy casualties in a direct attack they would never recover from the effect and would disseminate into thin air." 15
Lawrence states, moreover, that "it was impossible to mix or combine tribes, since they disliked or distrusted one another.
Likewise, we could not use the men of one tribe in the territory of another." 16 With sardonic resignation he observes: "My men were blood enemies of thirty tribes and only for my hand

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over them would have murdered in the ranks every day. Their feuds prevented them combining against me; while their unlikeness gave me sponsors and spies wherever I went or sent. . ." 17
Often the Arabs refused to fight at all because they were not satisfied with the amount of loot they were receiving. Lawrence himself was once abandoned with two companions in the middle of an engagement, his Arab allies having gone raving mad with the lust of plunder. In their frenzy they fought among themselves, and soon were all `missing,' "having dispersed with their spoil." Even in victory they did not hesitate to leave
their own wounded lying helpless on the ground while they looted. Under these circumstances, says Lawrence, they lost their wits completely and "were as ready to assault friend as foe." 18 Without exception, every observer comments that they invariably broke off in the middle of an engagement to disappear into the desert with their captured gains. There is actually no recorded instance of an Arab accomplishment in the way
of a spectacular battle or the capture of a large town with its garrison.
The British, in fact, had their hands full with their wild allies.
Aviators had to fly at a considerable height to avoid being shot at by the Bedouins, who had "an irresistible desire to shoot anything that was moving fast." 19 They found the Arab chiefs volcanic and suspicious and ever ready to resent the presence of infidels. "Many of them," writes Captain Hart, "behaved as if the British officers were their servants, and set an example of rudeness that was imitated by their followers, as
well as by their slaves." Lawrence cautioned his men frankly before an excursion into the desert "that there was no need to worry about the Turks, but every need to worry about our allies, the Bedouins." 20 Nor would he instruct his tribesmen in the handling of the high explosives used to cripple the Turkish transportation system, afraid that they "would keep on playfully blowing up trains even after the termination of the war." 21
The whole Lawrence legend in itself has been sadly exaggerated.
He was a brave and clever man, but the truth of the

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matter is that he never penetrated into Arabia at all, and merely went down the western coastal fringe from Mecca northward along the Pilgrim railway .22 Most of the inhabitants of Arabia could hardly have known of his existence, "while the suggestion implied of Arabian unification under a foreigner and a non-Moslem is, of course, a myth." 23
His entire `army' of purchased irregulars did not amount to a row of peanuts when compared with the Arabs fighting on the Turkish side against the detested infidel. Simultaneous with the Sherif's commitment to the Allies, his powerful neighbor Hussein Mabeirig, chief of the Rabegh Harb, joined the Turks; and facing the invaders was at least one entire Ottoman division made up entirely of Arab men and officers.
The number who participated in the `revolt' were an uncertain and fluctuating quantity, "simply gathering," says Bertram Thomas, "for some particular expedition in numbers that sometimes reached a few thousand, but were more often only a few hundred." Lloyd George estimated their total number to aggregate "but a few thousand horsemen," remarking that "the vast majority of their race in the Great War were fighting for
their Turkish conquerors." 24
There have been few peoples in history who have gotten so much for giving so little. In Iraq the Arabs took almost no part whatsoever in the fighting, and always were to be found on the winning side. Now with the Turks, now with the British, loot was their principal object. Blood-curdling eyewitness accounts tell how Turks and Englishmen alike were murdered for their small possessions. Unfortunate prisoners had their bellies
ripped open in search of the gold liras which the Arabs thought the soldiers had swallowed. Graves containing Turkish and English dead were despoiled for any articles which might have been buried with them. Throughout the Turkish Empire the phrase Khayin Arab (treacherous Arab) became an ugly proverb.25

As shown by the records, as far as Palestine is concerned, the Arab contribution to its conquest was indirect and trifling. Not a single Arab was employed in the conquest of Cis-Jordan. In

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Trans-Jordan it was the Jewish Legions who, having assisted the English to take the passages of the Jordan River, marched on to capture Es Salt, then considered its principal town. Lawrence's Arabs were far away in the desert engaged in butchering and looting fleeing men, fellow-Arabs of the Turkish army, who had been routed by British guns and airplanes. The soldier, Duff, his blood turned cold by these activities, describes their "strange, twisted mentality. . ." 26
At this time the dazzling fiction of a Palestinian Arab struggle against the Turks had not yet been invented. The British themselves, roiled by the disinclination of Palestine Arabs to assist in any way, described them as "sunk in almost animal brutishness, moved by no spirit of personal liberty or freedom for their native land." A study of Lawrence's Seven Pillars of Wisdom reveals that his levies were all desert tribesmen except for ten
Syrians, of whom six `ratted' and four deserted. No Palestinian Arab is mentioned by Lawrence. The British, who were later
to speak pompously of Arab nationalism in Palestine, were of quite a different sentiment in 1918. British Peace Handbook No. 60 declares briskly that "they have little if any national sentiment . . . The Moslem Effendi class . . . evince a feeling somewhat akin to hostility towards the Arab movement . . .
This class, while regretting the opportunities for illegitimate gain offered by Turkish rule, has no real political cohesion, and, above all, no power of organization." There was in fact not a single Arab personality in Palestine with whom the British could negotiate. With their experiences still fresh in English minds, the Peace Handbook repeats Burton's jibe that these Levantines "hide their weapons at the call of patriotism.”
Despite the ado subsequently made over the vaunted promises to Hussein, all the evidence indicates that until British policy shifted after the War, the idea that Palestine should become Arabic had not even been contemplated. It is certain that during Lawrence's campaign Feisal and his principal henchmen had their eye upon Syria, not upon Palestine, and that the rank and file were interested in money and loot and nothing else.
McMahon himself vigorously denied that any pledge had been

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given to Hussein which could be construed to mean that Palestine was to be included in the Arab area; and in Commons on July 11, 1922, Winston Churchill, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, declared: "No pledges were made to the Palestine Arabs in 1915. So far as I am aware, the first suggestion that Palestine was included in the area within which His Majesty's Government promised to recognize and support the independence of the Arabs, was made . . . more than five years after the conclusion of the correspondence on which the claim was based." The promise to Hussein was in any case crazy; for, as Sidebotham points out, he was not in a position to pledge the Arabs outside the Hejaz to anything.
When Hussein finally proclaimed himself Commander of the Faithful, it proved a fatal step, hardening against him the Wahabis and other fanatic Moslem groups in whose eyes the Sherif was an infidel backslider. London, too, was tiring of his incessant demands and arrogance; and burned with rage when the new King of the Hejaz refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles and wriggled out of joining the League of Nations under British tutelage. Quietly they withdrew their support from the recalcitrant Hussein and let it be known that he was now on his own.27 Saud, who had been waiting for this moment, needed no further invitation. He promptly occupied Mecca, chased Hussein off to exile in Cyprus, and henceforth styled himself King of the Hejaz and Sultan of Nejd.
While the Sherif was engaged in this death struggle with his ancient enemy, Britain stepped in and demanded that he place Maan and the Red Sea port of Aqaba under British Mandate.
On May 27, 1925, the British Government regretfully informed the Commander of the Faithful that if he would not accede to this demand, it "would have to take Aqaba and Maan by force." On June 18, both towns became part of Transjordan.
Here was created the need for a fresh departure in British Arabic policy since their new protege, Saud, would not accept the fact of British possession gracefully; he continued to roar with aggrieved self-righteousness that he had been robbed. This friction, which persists until today, resulted in still another of

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Whitehall's famous zigzags, this time back in the direction of Abdullah of the House of Hussein.

THE ARAB VIEW OF ZIONISM
During all the period that the Zionists had been without benefit of Balfour Declaration or Mandatory `assistance,' the attitude of the Arabs toward the Jewish National Movement had been one of almost unanimous approval. In 1906, Farid Kassab, famous Syrian author, had expressed the view uniformly held by Arabs: "The Jews of the Orient are at home. This land is their only fatherland. They don't know any other." 28 A year later
Dr. Gaster reported that he had "held conversations with some of the leading sheikhs, and they all expressed themselves as very pleased with the advent of the Jews, for they considered that with them had come Barakat, i.e., blessing, since the rain came in due season." 29
The Moslem religious leader, the Mufti, was openly friendly, even taking a prominent part in the ceremony of laying the foundation stone for the Hebrew University on Mt. Scopus.
Throughout Arabia the chiefs were for the most part distinctly pro-Zionist; and in Palestine the peasantry were delighted at every prospect of Jewish settlement near their villages. They let few opportunities slip to proclaim in flowery oriental rhetoric the benefits that Jewish colonization was bringing them.
Land acquisition was easy. Commercial intercourse between Arab and Jew was constant and steady. In the face of the practical regard with which the impoverished natives viewed these queer Moskubs 30 who brought with them manna from heaven, the anti-Zionist elements, if they existed, kept silent. Remarkably enough, the incoming Zionists, vigorous, modern, and capable, were treated with high respect, while the native Jew still remained despised.
The Arab National Movement itself, puny, inexperienced, and hated by the huge Levantine population who continued to regard themselves simply as Ottoman subjects, looked to the

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strong, influential Zionist Organization for sympathy and assistance.
Hussein of the Hejaz who had been booted upstairs by the British into a position of recognized authority in the Arab Nationalist Movement after the War, distrusted European nations and their statesmen to the very marrow of his bones. He looked to the Zionists, as a kindred folk, for the financial and scientific experience of which the projected Arab state would stand badly in need. When the Balfour Declaration was communicated to him in January 1918, he had replied "with an expression of good will towards a kindred Semitic race." 31
In May of the same year, at Aqaba where he held court and made camp, Hussein was visited by Dr. Weitzman, head of the Zionist Commission. At this desert conference the British Government and the Arab Bureau in Cairo were well represented.
Feisal, dark, majestic son of the Sherif, spoke as the Arab representative.
Intimate mutual cooperation between the two Movements was pledged. The Zionists were to provide political, technical and financial advisers to the Arabs; and it was agreed that Palestine was to be the Jewish sphere of influence and development.
This alliance fitted perfectly with Hussein's ideas.
Basic hostility to all Christian powers characterized father and son, who felt that the Jews were the indispensable allies, and indeed the instruments, of a new Arab renaissance. They regarded a dominantly Jewish Palestine as the necessary foundation to a greater Arabia; and were anxious for a rapid development of the Peninsula if it were to become capable of resisting the attacks which their weakness must sooner or later invite.
When Feisal came to Europe in 1919 representing the Arab cause, the Zionists submitted their plans to him. Both Feisal and Lawrence approved of them, and early in 1919 these conversations culminated in a Treaty of Friendship. Solemnly signed, this convention provided for the "closest possible collaboration"
in the development of the Arab State and the coming Jewish Commonwealth of Palestine. National boundaries were
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considered; 32 Mohammedan Holy Places were to be under Mohammedan control; the Zionist Organization undertook to provide
economic experts to the new Arab State; and the Arabs agreed to facilitate the carrying into effect of the Balfour Declaration and to "encourage and stimulate immigration of Jews into Palestine on a large scale." 33
On March 3, I9I9, Feisal acting officially for the Arab movement, wrote: "We Arabs look with the deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement. Our deputation in Paris is fully acquainted with the proposals submitted yesterday by the Zionist Organization to the Peace Conference and we regard them as moderate and proper. We will do our best, insofar as we are concerned, to help them through. We will wish the Jews a most hearty welcome home.”
The Arab leaders placed themselves on record everywhere in an obvious effort to attain Zionist support for their own aspirations, then under the cloud of European Imperialist ambitions.
A representative example is Feisal's public communication to Sir Herbert Samuel, pleading the need to "maintain between us that harmony so necessary for the success of our common cause."
On meticulous English records, carefully buried in the Government vaults, the entire story is written in comprehensive detail.
At all discussions British representatives were present.
Lawrence was the official translator at almost all of them. Officially,
Major Ormsby-Gore was liaison officer on the ground.
It was he who pulled the strings between Arab and Jew, at a time when Zionism was still persona grata to the gentlemen who rule Whitehall.

THE MILITARY JUNTA
Whatever the mighty deeds and feats of derring-do by English arms elsewhere in the Great War, it is not a fact that they alone conquered Palestine. It is only a fact that an English general led the attacking forces, much as Marshal Foch commanded the Allies on the Western Front.

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When with pennants flying, Sir Edmund Allenby made his historic entry into Jerusalem on December 9, 1917, the Hebrew battalions were also there. Sir John Monash's Australians were the bulk of his effectives. Under his command, among others, was a contingent of French Colonials and a force of Italian Bersaglieri from Libya. As he victoriously entered, Allenby was flanked on one side by M. Francois Georges-Picot and on
the other by Major d'Augustino, the French and Italian representatives
respectively.
It was understood all around that the expressed Jewish wish was to have the British in control during the early period when the foundations of the Jewish National Home were to be laid.
The Zionists were at the time much afraid of the practical results which might follow from the International control favored by the French and Italians; and they looked on the English as their friends and sponsors. Under this Jewish insistence the Latins generously allowed their interests to lapse and the English military was left in complete authority.
The surrender of Jerusalem coincided exactly with the Feast of Chanukah, which commemorates the recapture of the Temple from the heathen Seleucids by Judas Maccabeus in the year 165 B.C. Lending color to this coincidence, General Allenby said on entering: "We have come not as conquerors but as deliverers ."
But hardly had the Turks been driven out when it became apparent to Jew and Arab alike that the entire Administration was uncompromisingly opposed both to the letter and the spirit of the Declaration. In his solemn proclamation after taking the Capital, Allenby spoke as if the Declaration had never been issued.
In fact no mention was made of the Jewish National Home in any official announcement in Palestine until May 1, 1920.
Even all references to the Jewish Legion, unstintingly praised in the military dispatches f or its gallantry in action, were suppressed by G.H.Q. from the dispatches as published in the Palestine and Egyptian papers. The amazed Zionists suddenly discovered that "the Military Administration . . . was anti-Zionist and perhaps anti-Jewish." 34
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Weitzman and his cohorts had been used to dealing with suave statesmen whose assurances were still ringing in their ears.
Balfour had just reiterated that "no one is now opposed to Zionism. The success of Zionism is secure." 35 Ormsby-Gore had even gone so far as to urge the immediate creation of a Jewish passport. In Jerusalem the consuls of almost every country were, out of courtesy, newly appointed Jews. The official British Peace Handbook on Zionism, giving on the highest possible authority the Government's conception of what it had
agreed to, read: "Jewish opinion would prefer Palestine to be controlled for the present as a part, or at least a dependency, of the British Empire; but its administration should be largely entrusted to Jews of the Colonist type. . . Zionists of this way of thinking believe that, under such conditions, the Jewish population would rapidly increase until the Jew became the predominant partner of the combination.”
The Zionists were under the impression that they had "gained the adhesion of the Powers to practically the exact terminology of the Basle program adopted in 1897" under the direction of Herzl. 3B They were totally unprepared for the unexpected attitude of the Military, and stood around rubbing their hands in consternation.
The Generals, looking on the pro-Zionist commitment of the Foreign Office as little less than criminal lunacy, virtually refused to carry out London's orders. In this they were obviously abetted by headquarters in Cairo which, in addition to holding the direction of military operations, contained a staff of political observers. For reasons which will be discussed later, the Military considered the Jews to be dangerous Bolsheviks who were conspiring to upset the Empire. Moreover, the rivalry with the French was now going on full blast and the Generals hoped to exclude them from Syria altogether. Sir Arthur Money, who took over the administration for Allenby, in high elation reported that he had interviewed a number of `Syrians' and that "their idea of Government for Palestine was that we should govern it; the idea was pure bliss to them." I

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81
In his mind's eye he already considered Palestine a British colony from which Jews were to be excluded.
The Zionists were put in their place with a bang. Despite the Jewish majority in Jerusalem, "the Army . . . appointed two-thirds of the Jerusalem Corporation Arab and only one third Jewish." 37 General Money decided that all tax forms and receipts should be printed in English and Arabic only; and the Military Governor of Jaffa declared insolently that he was going to address Jewish delegations in Arabic.
The attitude of the Generals toward the Jews was contemptuous and hostile; and subordinates were swiftly responsive to the cue supplied by their superior officers. General Money asserted with cool complacency: "I have asked many people in position - in England and elsewhere - why England has capitulated to the Zionists, but none of them has been able to give me a straight answer." He came to the amusing conclusion that
the Holy Land had been handed over to Weitzman who had demanded it as his pound of flesh for having invented "in the nick of time . . . some ultra-Teutonic deadliness of gas and bombs." 38
Not un-instructive of the whole tone of this administration is the case given by Horace Samuel, late Judicial Officer in Palestine, of a medical official "who quite frankly and with barely concealed relish announced that Jew-baiting had been the sport of kings for centuries and centuries." 39 All told, the British officers, quite apart from any question of higher politics, "regarded the Balfour Declaration as damn nonsense, the Jews as a damn nuisance and natives into the bargain; and the Arabs as damn good fellows." 40

HANDRUBBING STATESMEN
It was tragic for the hopes of Zion that the spirit of the Ghetto still stared from the brooding eyes of Jewish leaders. With a few notable exceptions, they carried with them into the new movement the spirit of philosophic resignation, the unworldly

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THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
dreaming and weakness under attack which had characterized life in the Russian Pale. Wise politicians would have known that the Balfour Declaration was only the beginning of their troubles; that from this time onward, the Jewish estate would have to be protected by every artifice that stubborn determination and vigilance could invent. But the inexperienced Zionists considered their provisional charter to be the solution to all problems. Learnedly they mapped and blueprinted the perfect society which was gradually to unfold its petals like a lovely
orchid in the new Land of Israel.
Shocked by these pedantic vagaries, the shrewd Nordau urged that a half million Jews be thrown into Palestine at once. The Bolshevik horror alone could have supplied such a number of weary refugees who would have been eager to migrate to the Holy Land under any conditions. The practical difficulties to such a project were by no means insuperable, and, fully as important, Arab resistance to the policy of the Jewish National
Home was at this time scarcely visible. Arab landowners, holders of great vacant stretches, were under the impression that radical land legislation was impending and were anxious to sell at any price. It was a golden opportunity, never to come again.
But Zionist spokesmen at that time were opposed to what they considered `premature' immigration, and wanted to build on `sound' lines. With cautious logic they demanded to know "How will these people live? We have no houses for them - they will starve! “41
"Let them live in tents - let them starve!" replied Nordau.
"But you had better bring them in at once while the opportunity lasts. Gentlemen, you have the Balfour Declaration: but you don't know England!”
The Hierarchy, condemning Nordau and his followers as `impractical, un-idealistic and headstrong,' was content to wait.
Its initiative had been immobilized by the collapse of Russia which had been the great center of Zionism. The Bolsheviks, coming into power, had outlawed the movement on the grounds that it was a tool of the Imperialists and a betrayal of the Jewish masses. Quoting the master, Marx, to show that Jews were

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only a social class and not a nation, they declared Jewish nationalism
a counter-revolutionary activity.
Completely upset by this volcanic withdrawal of their principal source of support, the bewildered Zionists did nothing.
Their complete reliance on the good faith of British assurances caused them to neglect the most logical and prudent step, that of consolidating their position quickly, before opposition forces had had time to collect themselves.
The British could hardly believe their eyes when the Jewish leaders, obsessed with vague schemes for national ownership of the land, actually welcomed the drastic legislation ordered by Allenby prohibiting land sales as well as immigration. They did not even protest when the Jewish Legion was ca'Talierly disbanded and told to leave the Holy Land for their points of origin, though the balance of Allenby's force remained under arms.
In London a Jewish Commission had been arranged for, ostensibly to take over the business of developing the country under the protecting arm of the Military. Headed by Dr. Weitzman, it arrived July 24, 1918, equipped, with the authority of the British Government, to advise the Palestine Administration on Jewish affairs. As head of this essentially political body, Weizmann's first act was to warn his hearers to beware of treacherous insinuations that Zionists were seeking political power. 42
The Generals, who had been treating the Jewish population as if it were non-existent, did not even bother with blandishments; they simply ignored the Commission altogether. Not even a pretense of friendship with the Government could be maintained.
With a pointed demonstration of contempt, when the Jewish National Anthem was played at a concert in a Jewish school, General Money and his staff deliberately kept their seats. Putty-souled Zionist leaders, who might have used the incident for a complete show-down fight in a world where the advantage of sympathy and legality was all theirs, remembered the knout of the Czars sweated and kept silent.
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Incident multiplied itself on incident, and for twenty months the status quo of the country remained unchanged. The only time the Zionist leaders opened their mouths was when "the notorious anti-Semite Colonel Scott (acting head of the judiciary) publicly insulted the Jews and the Jewish religion in the corridor of the Law Courts."" The howl that went up,
forced by Orthodox institutions, compelled him to resign.
The Zionists were badly rattled. Wanting the hardihood necessary to handle this admittedly difficult situation, they could only sit helplessly by, hoping for the best. They watched apathetically while a civil agent of the Government, an apostate Jew named Gabriel, busied himself in promoting British commercial interests while the Jews, treated as social, commercial and political outcasts were kept at a distance. With equal
meekness they stood by while the Government sabotaged Jewish efforts to come to an understanding with the Arabs.
With conscious design the Administration fostered hostility between Arab and Jew. It directly advised the amazed Arabs of Palestine and Egypt to abstain from any concessions to the Jews. It formed the Moslem-Christian Association and used it as a weapon against the Zionists on the slightest pretext. It instructed astonished Arab young-bloods in the technique and
tenets of modern nationalism, in order to resist Jewish `pretenses.'
And in London it contacted reliable anti-Jewish elements, to form a liaison which has endured to this day.
The Arabs were not only instigated and advised, but supplied with funds, and their arguments ghost-written by Englishmen in high places. They proved a tolerably good investment.
Their ready compliance may be seen in the very convenient demands put forward in the Third Arab Palestine Congress (timed to coincide with the British plot to force the French out of the Near East altogether) that the Holy Land be not separated from Syria.
During all this time the Military had been playing a high game of politics on its own, maneuvering carefully to present the forthcoming Peace Conference with a fait accompli which would set the lily-livered civilian officials in London back on

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their heels. Tension was strong between British and French as to who should control the Eastern Mediterranean. The French, traditional protectors of Syria, had a long-hooked finger in the pie. On Bastille Day, during the sessions of the Peace Conference, when the Tri-color flag was run up at Sidon, a chill went down the spines of the military gentlemen in Jerusalem.
The Generals aimed at one big Arab state or federation of states, to include the Hejaz, Iraq, Syria and Palestine, which was to lie, as Egypt had lain, in the political and economic pocketbook of Britain. For this consummation to be realized it was essential that the population of Palestine should be so anti-Zionist and the population of Syria so anti-French that with the best will in the world, bier entendu, it would be impossible to put into force a French control of the Levant or a Zionist policy in Palestine.
Now began a technique of instigation and incitement from which the Anglo-Saxon rulers of the Holy Land have never varied wherever they had a point to be gained. Tension between France and England over this continuous stream of intrigue finally reached a point where a breath would have precipitated it into armed conflict. The French statesman M. Barthou sharply protested. With its tongue in its cheek, London blandly
forwarded the protest to Palestine, abjuring the Generals to behave
themselves.
Matters came to a head in 1920 when Feisal staged a revolt against the French in Damascus, with money and ammunition supplied by the British General Headquarters. 44 He had been proclaimed King by a `Syrian Congress' which included Palestinians, and which asserted the principle that Palestine was a part of Syria and could not be cut off from it. Almost simultaneously, in order to show how impossible it was to implement
the Balfour Declaration in the face of native hostility, the Generals
arranged a pogrom in Jerusalem. They hoped it would mean the end of Zionism, that the League of Nations, which had not yet officially named a mandatory, would be forced to `recognize the rights' of the native population and cancel out the Zionist adventure.
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POGROM AND WORLD HORROR
The Governor of Jerusalem was General Louis Bolls. Chief of Staff to Bols was Colonel Waters Taylor, whose ideal polity was a military government in perpetuity, and who later became an anti-Zionist organizer in London.
When Colonel Patterson, staunch Zionist friend, heard that Bols had been appointed, he was shocked. He writes: "I knew Bols well, having worked with him for two years. I knew him as an out and out anti-Semite, who would leave no stone unturned to destroy the Jewish National Home root and branch."
So moved was this honest English soldier that he boarded a train for Cairo that very day in order to warn Weitzman of the danger, urging him to oppose Bols' appointment with might and main. In reply Weitzman informed Patterson that his fears "were really exaggerated, as he had just had a two-hour conversation with Bols and had found him a very nice man." Despite Weitzman’s optimistic appraisal, the result of Bols' appointment was soon to be written in Jewish blood.
Ominous incidents crowding fast on the heels of the intensive propaganda which followed the crowning of Feisal in Syria, had caused a number of saner Zionists to warn the Government. It responded by ordering the disarming of the population, enforcing the order only insofar as the Jews were concerned.
The riots of April 1920 broke on the heads of the astonished Jews like a clap of thunder. Misled by the naiveté of their responsible leaders, they awoke from their dreams of a Jewish Commonwealth to scenes no different than those from which they had fled in Russia.
The action was perfectly timed. Moslem crowds had gathered for the Nebi Moussa festival in Jerusalem. The usual frenzy of chants and wild dances was driving them into a dangerous emotional delirium. Propaganda of the wildest sort was being circulated; and whispers went through the crowd, which was going rapidly berserk.
Now agitators were addressing this churning mass, urging

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them forward against the Jews. Hesitant for a moment, the reassuring
cry arose: "The Government is with us!"
The stage had been ably set. All Jewish policemen had been relieved from duty in the `Old City,' a walled section of Jerusalem where the bulk of the Jews resided. Totally unopposed and making a directed attack from three different parts of the town at the same moment, the mob rushed into the Jewish Quarter, brandishing knives and clubs.
Shrieking madness covered the Old City. The most horrible and repugnant scenes took place. Amongst other manifestations of patriotism, some elderly Jews were locked in a house which was set on fire, while a number of women were subjected to rape.
Shivering with the emotion of an unhappy, betrayed man, Weitzman, supreme Jewish leader, wept bitterly. In another part of the city, Jabotinsky, the little Russian writer with the prognathous jaw was raging. Cursing the wordy timidity of his Zionist confreres he swiftly gathered together a group of ex-Legionnaires. Heartened, other young Jews joined the "Self-Defense." Where they appeared the rioters ran for their lives.
Meanwhile the Government surrounded the Old City with a cordon of police and troops, preventing Jabotinsky's boys from going to the assistance of the defenseless Jews, giving them over for three days to murder, loot and rape before the authorities raised a hand to interfere .45
Jabotinsky and his Legionnaires were arrested as fast as they could be apprehended. It was symptomatic of the general tone of the Administration that Howes, the Commandant of Police, caused Jabotinsky to be held in the common lockup, while Arab agitators who had also been arrested were accommodated in a pleasant room in the Governate itself. Zionist stock slumped still lower when Jewish notables were refused an audience, while motor cars were placed at the disposal of Arab leaders for
the purpose of granting them an interview with the Chief Administrator.
46
With ghoulish thoroughness the Government both during and

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after the riots searched the Jews for arms, deliberately rendering them defenseless, and causing numerous arrests of those guilty of protecting their homes and loved ones. Cynically Sir Louis Bols complained in a dispatch to Cairo: "They [the Jews] are very difficult to deal with . . . They are not satisfied with military protection, but demand to take the law in their own hands."
So devilishly inhuman a course would hardly seem credible if it were not supported by the word of many witnesses, some of them distinguished Englishmen, revolted by this sickening parade of events. The tone of the Administration was so hostile that a celebrated American archaeologist, a non-Jew, told Horace Samuel "quite specifically" that because of his sympathy for the riot victims "he found himself deliberately cold-shouldered by the British officials." 47 A thoroughly upset British lady felt
compelled to write that "for the first time yesterday I felt ashamed of being born an Englishwoman." 48
Jerusalem had undergone an orgy of slaughter, rape, torture and sack. Everywhere homes and stores were wrecked. Sixty innocents lay dead, and innumerable victims were injured, the memory of unspeakable horror engraved on their consciousness, never to fade. Far away in the little Galilee village of Tel Hai the knightly Captain Trumpledor was killed with nine of his men, murmuring as he fell, "It is good to die for one's country.”
In a vermin-infested jail, awaiting trial, was Jabotinsky – Jewish patriot and ex-officer of His Majesty's Army- now stripped of his honors and treated like a dangerous felon. With scant ceremony he was tried, and with his Legionnaires sentenced to ifteen years at hard labor.
Shocked by this savage order, the Jews shut their shops in protest. The Government replied with a ukase ordering the shops reopened under penalty of a fine of £ 50; an action more than interesting in view of the way subsequent Arab strikes were handled.
Suddenly, like a typhoon which had gathered from nowhere, a tremendous wave of protest swept the world. England with her hands full in Ireland and India, smarting under the condemnation

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she was receiving in all civilized quarters was aghast.
The Generals' plan had become a boomerang.
The League had not yet granted an official mandate; and the French, irritated to the boiling point, took action to throw Feisal out. Angling for Jewish support, they let it be known that they would not refuse if the mandate for Palestine were offered to them.
The English were in a tight spot. They stood morally condemned before the world. The precious life line to India was in danger.
Here was another shining opportunity laid right in the Zionists' laps. The functionaries in Whitehall were in rapid retreat.
To show their good faith they severed the heads of the top administrator
of Palestine together with his Chief of Staff, and served them up on a platter for the edification of the French and the Zionists. The Jews at this moment could have named their own price. They were now top-dog in a situation that had reversed itself. But Zionist leaders continued to temporize and placate. With no conception of the moment for swift, decisive action, they settled down to ponder their old vaporous ideas.

Page104

CHAPTER VII
THE MANDATE BY THE LEAGUE
WEIZMANN OBLIGES
At the Peace Conference, held at Versailles in February 1919, the historic opportunity for which Herzl had built and struggled had suddenly come to a head. The Allies were tired and in a generous mood. The hysteria founded on the claim that the `War was fought for democracy' was still much in evidence. Jewry was, moreover, reckoned as a world force whose good will could count powerfully in the reconstruction period which was
following.
At this psychological moment, had Zionist leaders possessed the political shrewdness which induced the other nations to scramble eagerly for the biggest hunk of spoil they could get, the Jewish problem would have found its solution, and would not today be a plague spot in the life of Europe.
Poland was being handed whole sections of Germany and the Ukraine to satisfy its `economic needs' as well as the ideals of democracy. Other nations similarly were fighting for and securing their share. The Jews could have demanded and received not only the present boundaries of Palestine, but a large part of the rich Lebanon Valley, the fertile Hauran, and the vast uninhabited territory to the east. This area was practically
vacant; and the signs were already written on the heavens that Israel must soon evacuate Europe or perish. The Arabs, undeterred by the restraining `principles' of the Zionists, had demanded, and received, more than they had ever envisioned in their wildest dreams, they received over five million square miles of territory.
At a moment when public opinion would have completely approved of  the Zionists taking immediate possession, they demurred on `democratic' and `social' grounds.
An example of their attitude is contained in the assertion by Sir Herbert Samuel that "the immediate establishment of a complete and purely Jewish State in Palestine would mean placing a majority under the rule of a minority; it would therefore be contrary to the first principles of democracy. . ."

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Both at Versailles and later, the chief Jewish negotiator, Weitzman, maintained the mild demeanor of humanist and philosopher . Asked what the Zionists wanted, he contented himself with the remark: "Ultimately, such conditions that Palestine should be just as Jewish as England is English." 1 Lloyd George commented that "Weitzman was the only modest man at the Peace Conference . . . who was decent in his demands”:
a bitterly questionable compliment to the oppressed Jews who survey it in retrospect.
Throughout the Versailles Conference the view taken by the British delegation, and supported by the Plenipotentiaries, "was that if there was to be a Jewish nationality, it could only be by giving the Jews a local habitation and enabling them to found in Palestine a Jewish State." 2
Powerful America, holding the economic future of Europe in her pocket was heart and soul for a Zionist solution. The official American recommendation at the Peace Conference was for the establishment of a Jewish State. A commission of prominent Americans had been sent by President Wilson to investigate, and their recommendations, adopted by the President and other American delegates without dissent, were direct and forthright, stating bluntly that "it is right that Palestine should become a Jewish State." 3
The frank of America on this proposal was tantamount to its acceptance by the Conference. With the exception of some demurrage from the Catholic Church, which wanted to make doubly sure that its own interests in the Holy Land were protected, opposition virtually did not exist. The Arabs themselves were more than friendly and in fact were looking to the obviously influential Zionists for support of their own program.
Again, as in the case of the Balfour Declaration, the only oppositionists
were Jews - capitalists or Marxists - who considered Zionism a move of gravely dangerous import. In England a "League of British Jews" led by the important Claude G. Montefiore was formed to lobby against the proposition. In America three hundred representatives of Jewish moneybags, led by the Reform Rabbis, forwarded a protest to the Peace Conference

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"Against the program of political Zionism." But the only effect of these hysterical renunciations was to cause the Plenipotentiaries to scratch their heads in wonder and dismiss the authors as a bunch of well-meaning crackpots.
Heavily in the Zionists' favor was the biting rivalry between the British and French, each determined to shut the other out of the Near East if it could. Sticking in the craw of the British was the Sykes-Picot Treaty, which all but handed the Levant over to France. The British realized that they had made a bad bargain, and now this Treaty came back to haunt them. They had allowed oil, trade, potential rail-heads, and with them a de
facto control of the route to India, to slip through their fingers.
Able tacticians, they pointed out that the Balfour Declaration to which Paris had agreed, invalidated the Sykes-Picot Agreement.
The French, secure in the largest military establishment on earth, already almost at war with England over Lloyd George's support of the ill-fated Greek invasion of Asiatic Turkey, countered by claiming Palestine as an integral part of Syria, over which they held traditional rights of protection.
Though the Kaiser was chopping wood somewhere in Holland, and Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff were now just two harmless old boys out on probation, the old German dream was still very much alive. The English had quietly taken it over as part of their profit in the war they had just fought for humanity. If it was to be put into operation they needed Palestine desperately.
The French stood pat. They wanted Palestine, but were willing to accept a condominium. The British were aghast.
They relied on the Jews and on President Wilson to provide the necessary brake to French ambitions.
As it became evident that the Zionists held the decision in their hands they were courted by both sides. Sir Mark Sykes and M. Georges-Picot, authors of the earlier agreement, both declared themselves as favoring the Zionist solution.
What the French had not figured on was the almost pathological pro-Anglicism of the Jews, enduring product of an earlier generation of English friendship. It must be noted that

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there was nothing either in the Balfour promise or in the negotiations at Versailles which assured Great Britain of the Mandate.
It was still very much open to the Powers to appoint anyone they pleased. The only positive commitment was that Palestine was to be a National Home for the Jews.
The Zionists, prompted by London, now went into action.
In the name of the Jewish people the American Jewish Congress solemnly pleaded with the Powers for the appointment of Great Britain as Mandatory because of her "peculiar relationship to the return of the Jews to Zion." Similar action was taken at congresses representing the millions of Jews in Poland and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Now at the Versailles Conference the Zionist Organization formally asked that the Mandate
should be entrusted to Great Britain under the sovereignty of the League of Nations. This request was made in an elaborate statement on the future of Palestine, in which the word `Commonwealth' reappears as a synonym for the Jewish `National Home.' This determined demand for English stewardship left nothing for France to do but gallantly withdraw her claim. She had been checkmated by a master tactician, and she took her licking gracefully.
Condensing a volume of duplicity and ingratitude in a few words, De Haas remarks that "the British at once commenced a process of whittling the phraseology before the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference." 4
So matters stood when in April of 1920 the League Council met at San Remo to go through the motions of ratifying the Mandate. World indignation over the pogrom inspired by the Generals was blazing at white heat.
The French, smiling delightedly, were confident that the Zionists had had enough of English patronage. Despite the recommendations of the Peace
Conference, technically the Sykes-Picot Agreement was the document which governed the future status of Palestine. It was still possible for Herzl's followers, enjoying the powerful French and American support, to upset the British applecart by demanding another mandatory. Weitzman, however, still believed implicitly in English honesty and good faith.

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He again reiterated the demand that England be confirmed as the trustee
for the Jewish estate.
The reaction of the Arabs to the San Remo decision was extremely friendly. Representatives of the Arab territories welcomed the idea of the Jewish State which was soon to rise up in their midst.
King Feisal of Iraq wrote a cordial letter congratulating the Zionists on their triumph.
London's delight knew no bounds. At a public demonstration to celebrate the grant and its inclusion in the peace treaty with Turkey, Lord Balfour, reminding the Arabs that they had been handed vast areas on a gold platter over five million square miles of territory, hoped that remembering all that, they will not begrudge that small niche - for it is no more than that geographically . . . being given to the people who for all these hundreds of years have been separated from it - and who surely have a title to develop on their own lines in the land of their forefathers.”
A few months later the matter was clinched for England.
The Treaty of Sevres was signed between Turkey and the Western Powers. It reiterated the decisions of the Nations, ceding Palestine with the proviso that the "Mandatory will be responsible for putting into effect the Declaration originally made on November 2, 1917 by the British Government and adopted by the other Allied Powers in favor of the establishment in Palestine of the National Home of the Jewish People.”
Secure in the knowledge that the overlordship of this coveted territory was now theirs; London sprang a series of new surprises on the Zionists. It quibbled on words, seeking to reduce the content of the Mandate by a wearing down process before producing it in its final form.
The Zionists made plea after plea, realizing that they had put their feet in quicksand. They appealed to the League as if the procrastination lay there. On February 27, 1922, representatives of the Zionist Organization went through the play-acting of informing the League Council in Paris that the Jews of Palestine, at a conference in Jaffa, appealed to the Allied and Associated Powers "to nominate Great Britain as their trustee, and to
confer on her the government of Palestine with a view to aiding

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the Jewish People in building up their Commonwealth." s
A confirmed Zionist, President Harding made his interest known
unofficially; and in April of 1922 the United States Congress stated by resolution its profound satisfaction that "owing to the outcome of the World War and their part therein, the Jewish people, under definite and adequate international guarantee, are to be enabled . . . to recreate and reorganize a National Home in the land of their fathers," commending "this act of historic justice about to be consummated" as "an undertaking which will do honor to Christendom."
Still the British continued to hem and haw, utilizing every trifling technicality to spar for time. It was not until the revised convention with Turkey, the Treaty of Lausanne, was signed in 1923, that the Mandate, adroitly mutilated, was accepted in its final form.* The Jewish Agency, originally conceived to be a chartered colonizing body like the Hudson Bay
Company, was given the right to act in an advisory capacity, its powers limited by language ambiguous enough to be interpreted in any direction the ruling power of Palestine wanted. Also inserted in its phraseology at the last moment was an innocuous little paragraph which the Zionists paid but scant attention to.
It provided that in the territory east of Jordan, the Mandatory could postpone such provisions of the Mandate as might be inapplicable
to local conditions. It was understood that this related only to the unsettled condition of this area and the possibilities of policing it properly. What this innocent appearing clause meant in far-sighted English minds the Jews were presently to discover.
In view of later English contentions that under the Mandate they were forced to consult the Arabs in implementing their actions, it is interesting to note that the Arabs were not approached when that responsibility was handed to Britain - only the Jews were consulted. It is also remarkable that the word `Arab' never once occurs in the whole document as apart from the recognition of Arabic as one of the official languages of the country.
A most casual reading makes it plain that the League had
* See Appendix `A,' p. 571.

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THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
engaged itself to a definite and positive policy of Jewish development,
not only permitted, but fostered and subsidized by the Government of Palestine. The Balfour Declaration and its consequence, the Mandate for Palestine, ushered in a new concept of international law, widening the scope of the law itself. While in all other cases it is the actual inhabitants of the countries in question who are dealt with, as being too backward to govern themselves, under the Palestine Mandate it is the Jewish people
as a whole who are the beneficiaries. The Mandate is clearly for an absent people who are not yet there on the ground, with the existing populations secondarily guaranteed full liberty and civil rights.' This alteration of basic law came under discussion at the twelfth meeting of the Twentieth Session of the Mandates Commission (June 1931) in connection with a British observation to the effect that "in international law there was no such thing as a Jew from the standpoint of nationality." To this the Vice-Chairman of the Commission replied that the remark
would be correct except for the existence of the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate, which had introduced a new element into this law in favor of the Jewish People.
Included in the Preamble was the Balfour Declaration and its ratification by the Powers at San Remo. The Preamble concludes that "recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their National Home in that country," certainly implying that the future Palestine should be as
Jewish as the Palestine of the Bible.
Of the direct commitments the most important was Article II which stated that "the Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish National Home as laid down in the Preamble . . ." While Article VI ordered the Mandatory to "facilitate Jewish immigration" and to "encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish Agency
. . . the close settlement of Jews on the land including State lands and wastelands not required for public purposes.”
On December 3, 1924, the United States became one of

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the contracting parties to this international arrangement. This treaty, known as the American-British Mandate Convention on Palestine, recites verbatim all the terms of the Mandate worked out by the League of Nations. In the correspondence relating to the several draft treaties submitted, it is plainly evident that the American Government considered England only as the temporary custodian for what was soon to be a Jewish State and, for this reason only, allowed herself to relinquish the special capitulation rights she had enjoyed under the old Turkish regime.
The final draft of this agreement guarantees that "the United States and its nationals shall have and enjoy all the rights and benefits secured under the terms of the Mandate to members of the League of Nations and their nationals, notwithstanding the fact that the United States is not a member of the League of Nations."
The determination of America to safeguard this arrangement from the conniving hand of European political vandalism is stated in Article VII. It reads: "Nothing contained in the present Convention shall be affected by any modification which may be made in the terms of the Mandate, as recited above, unless such modification shall have been assented to by the United States.”
For once the Nations were attempting to solve their problems in a consciously intelligent manner. They had tackled the question of Jewish homelessness vigorously, and rested from their labors sincerely believing that they had rid the world of one of its oldest problems.
THE FIRST PARTITION
At the time of the Peace Conference there was no haggling over the size of the Jewish territory. The American Commission took it for granted that "the new State would control its own source of water power and irrigation, from Mount Hermon in the east to the Jordan." 8 As conceived at the time by the Plenipotentiaries, Palestine was to comprise a minimum of some sixty thousand square miles, bounded on the north by Syria, on 98

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
the southwest by Egypt, on the east by Iraq and Saudi and on the south by Saudi and the Hejaz. The English viewpoint, embodied in British Peace Handbook No. 6o on Syria and Palestine, even contended that Damascus itself could very well be included, asserting that the whole "portion of the center of Syria that lies to the east of Jebel esh-Sharki may easily be separated from northern Syria and associated with Palestine." To the
east it was understood that the Zionists could have any part of the great desert they wanted; and that the southern boundary was to be established at the historic line, the "River of Egypt." s
With the San Remo decision tucked comfortably away in its waistcoat, Downing Street, suddenly showing a neighborly spirit, began to make territorial concessions to the French at the expense of the Jewish National Home. Satisfied with those elements relating purely to the safety of their Empire, English negotiators were completely indifferent to proper Palestinian boundaries from any other point of view. The Zionists were in consternation when London serenely yielded, without the slightest objection, every area on which the future economy of the country was to be based.
Since the coming Hebrew Commonwealth had no visible fuel supplies of its own, it appeared to be vitally dependent upon water power for industrial expansion. Of essential significance to its future industrial growth was the River Litany in the north and the watershed lying directly south of Mount Hermon. This strategic sector, as well as the lands of Naphthali, Dan and Manasseh was lopped off and uselessly handed to Syria. Also trimmed away was the Hauran, ancient granary of Israel, and
most of fertile, well-watered Galilee whence came the chief Zealots and patriots of the Roman wars.
Mincing no words, Colonel Wedgwood wrote that this first jettison of the patrimony of Israel had been actuated by a fit of sheer pique to annoy the Jews.'°
Outraged by what he also considered an act of unpardonable vandalism, President Wilson rose from his sick bed and cabled the following protest to the British Cabinet: "The Zionist cause depends upon rational northern and eastern boundaries for a

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self-sustaining, economic development of the country. This means on the north, Palestine must include the Litany River and the watersheds of the Hermon and on the east it must include the plains of the Jaulon and the Hauran. Narrower than this is a mutilation. . . I need not remind you that neither in this country nor in Paris has there been any opposition to the Zionist program, and to its realization the boundaries I have named are
indispensable."
This was in the Spring of 1920. Procrastinating, sugaring the Zionists with promises, London finally amended the Franco-British Convention to recover a few square miles of the headwaters of the Jordan and ignored further protest. The area of the Jewish National Home had now been shrunk to some 44,000 square miles: approximately 10,000 square miles west of the Jordan and 34,000 to the east.
The logic of this inexplicable indifference to British interests became clear later when the Zionists began to get a glimpse of what was in the back of the bureaucratic mind. Even at the sacrifice of desired territory, they wanted to make certain that Zionism could not succeed. A Zionist Palestine they regarded as a new Ireland in embryo, a development even more fraught with trouble for the Empire.
They proceeded cautiously. Time was in their favor.
Bols and the Generals had been dumped overboard. To show good faith a hand-picked Jew, Sir Herbert Samuel, had been appointed first High Commissioner under the coming Civil Administration . Of this change, Colonel Patterson commented grimly: "Bols went, but the system he implanted remained.
The anti-Semitic officials that he brought with him into the country remained . . ." it
CHAPTER VIII
A MAN NAMED SAMUEL UNDER THE
CHAPTER VIII
A MAN NAMED SAMUEL UNDER THE COLONIAL OFFICE

The Military Administration was over. Anxious, but still unresisting, the Zionists discovered that the Palestine Mandate had been incomprehensibly shifted to the Colonial Office for implementation.   There were some among them who knew what this move meant, but the Zionist leadership as a whole was far too inexperienced and trusting to do anything about it.
The country was now being directly governed by the Crown Colony Code and by a bureau which by the very nature of its experiences and interests could not fail to be opposed to the Mandate. This type of administration is maintained almost solely for the control of uncivilized tropical or sub-tropical races. The English themselves were later to admit that it "is not
a suitable form of government for a numerous, self-reliant, progressive
people, European for the most part in outlook and equipment, if not in race." 1 The evolution of self-rule even in backward India left this stage behind in 1900.
The worst of its features is the unwritten law of the Colonial that the Colony exists chiefly to supply cheap raw material to, and to buy manufactured goods from, the mother country. It is his business to discourage industrial development, which might eventually offer substantial competition to the factories at Glasgow or the mills of Lancashire. The perfect example of desirable condition was that offered by Indian and Egyptian cotton, which after being hauled over half the globe to England, was retransported to Egypt and India and sold at a handsome profit in the shape of cotton goods.
The Colonial Office, caring nothing about developing a body of officials acquainted with the needs of the country, actually does the reverse. It wants no functionaries even remotely identified with the territory they rule; hence it rotates these officials from one colony to the other.

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Typical of the men who were to interpret the needs of Zionism were Police Chief R. B. G. Spicer, late Police Chief in Kenya Colony; Chief Secretary Mark Aitchison Young, previously Colonial Secretary for Sierra Leone; Michael Francis Joseph McDonnell, Chief Justice of the Palestine
Supreme Court, formerly Assistant District Commissioner of the Gold Coast; and Sir John Chancellor, High Commissioner of unlamented memory, who came from Southern Rhodesia where he had kept the peace with rifles.
These were all career men, suffering invariably from an ingrown sense of superiority; some of them educated and clever, others recruited from the backwash of the English slums. They were taught an attitude of cold reserve, a system of playing native factions off expertly against each other, a technique of incitement, and a calloused disregard for everything not connected with the spirit of the Crown Colony Code.
Under this set of regulations, created to serve settlements of Englishmen marooned among easily subdued or barbarian natives, the Zionists found that even the slightest trivialities had to be referred to some bureaucrat in London for decision. The plans for a hotel in Jerusalem not only had to be submitted to the Department of Public Works but that department had to refer the plans and specifications to London. De Haas and Wise
give some details on the bizarre workings of this Code in Palestine.
Native-born Jews and immigrants holding public office could not cooperate financially or as a matter of formal association in the development of the country. The Crown Colony Code forbade it. A judge was denied the right to participate in what was hoped to be an important financial institution for issuing mortgages and bonds on Jewish property. The reason given was the Crown Colony Code. Another official was refused permission to aid in the development of so unprofitable a
venture as the Hebrew Opera Company. The reason? The Crown Colony Code .2 Even though there is only a scant handful of English school-children in the area, under the Code, Palestine must pay for special British School Inspectors.
Just what rights the Crown Agents had in a mandated area

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was never made clear. But the Zionists were not to be bothered by formalities. They had a colossal disrespect for politics.
They declared that what they wanted was to `build up the country' and let politics take care of itself.

A JEWISH RULER AFTER TWO THOUSAND YEARS
Sir Herbert Samuel arrived in due course, dressed for the occasion in gold braid and a resplendent white uniform. Throughout the Jewish world he had been trumpeted as the new Moses, the man of destiny. When he at last arrived in Jerusalem, the whole majestic symbolism of the event fairly staggered the imagination of Jewry everywhere. Jews went hysterically wild with joy.
Samuel was an impressive man, handsome and soldierly looking as he clicked his heels before the welcoming cameras; though closer inspection was not so reassuring, revealing a moody face whose whole expression was searching and suspicious.
He had been Home Secretary in the British Government during the War and "had a reputation for treating Jews in a way that would not redound to the credit of a liberal gentile administrator." 3 The famous `Tay Pay' O'Connor had briefly described him as having an "utter disregard for all the occupations and prizes of life except those to be found in politics." 4
His inability to understand even the most obvious conditions under which the masses of Jewry lived is shown by an incident occurring in the Fall of 1919 when Samuel was functioning as leader of a British Committee of Investigation in Poland. Failing to reach an agreement after eight days of negotiations with the Warsaw Zionists, he asked in order to obtain a result: "Do you then accept the paragraphs of the Peace Treaty aiming at
the protection of minorities?" When this had been affirmed he inquired conclusively: "So you consequently do not want to be a nationality but a religious group?" Whereupon the Zionists broke up the negotiations as hopeless and stalked out of the room. 5
The heavens were almost covered with omens in reference to

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the mettle of Mr. . Samuel; but nevertheless the Zionists allowed
themselves to be hoaxed into accepting him. Acting on a polite hint from high British quarters, they actually sponsored him; and officially his appointment was the result of their direct demand.
Ruefully, Weitzman was later to admit: "Perhaps 1 am responsible for this chapter `Samuel.'" our - History will undoubtedly look on the man Samuel with wonder, as a striking commentary on his times. His first official act was to throw the brave Jews, jailed for their part in the self-defense during the riots, into the same class with Arab rapists by magnanimously pardoning both, all in the same breath and the same document?
Shortly after his arrival he held a reception for the members of his staff. The reaction, blurted out of the mouth of one of them was: "And there I was at Government House, and there was the Union Jack flying as large as life, and a bloody Jew sitting under it." 8
Sir Herbert was surrounded from the first by anti-Zionist subordinates, whom he was afraid to offend by appearing to favor the Jews. Horace Samuel declares that throughout his whole tenure of office Sir Herbert suffered acutely from the consciousness of being a Jew, causing him to pivot right around to an actual pro-Arab attitude.
The important Political Department of the Secretariat was assigned to an officer who labored under an intensive and fanatical hostility to the declared policy of His Majesty's Government in Palestine, one E. T. Richmond. Richmond who had referred in a signed article in the Nineteenth Century to "that iniquitous document known as the Mandate for Palestine," 9 was fairly representative of the body of officialdom. These men made no secret of their antipathy to the policy of the Balfour Declaration, which they had been appointed to carry out, contributing
the most violent anti-Jewish articles to such journals as the Edinburgh Review, the Nineteenth Century and the Fortnightly Review. 10 There was only one officer in Samuel's entire retinue who could even remotely be described as pro-Zionist. That was the gentle-mannered Sir Wyndham Deeds

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whose influence was reduced to little. In the subordinate jobs, particularly on the Police Force and Intelligence Department, nearly all the key non-British positions were filled by Arabs, who were quick to respond to the cue given them by their superiors.
The situation became so obvious that a number of Jewish officers of the Administration threw up their jobs "with the statement that they were doing so because there did not seem to be room for Jewish officials in the National Home.""
It is no exaggeration to say that every subterfuge used to obstruct Zionist advance in future years, originated with Samuel.
Characteristic of the man was this statement attributed to him "If the Jews really want Palestine they will pay more for it than it is worth." At the Fifth Session of the Permanent Mandates Commission he stated that it was "the fundamental intention of the Government" to deal with the Arabs "as if there had never been a Balfour Declaration." 12 Samuel's interference almost lost the important Dead Sea concession for the Jews. He had deliberately held it up, not considering it seemly that Jews should get such a valuable concession .13
Incongruously enough, Sir Herbert was so religious that he believed it a sin for Jews and non-Jews to intermarry. He deliberately snubbed a senior Christian official who had married a Jewish girl, remaining stiffly rude to both man and wife, even on those occasions when the duties of His Majesty's service made it impossible to avoid him.

THE POGROM OF 1921
The result of Samuel's policies was a pogrom. Only a scant year had passed since the previous massacre of Jews in Jerusalem.
Once again the lust for blood asserted itself in the narrow streets. As usual, the riots were timed with a major change in British policy, soon after to be announced.
It was the end of April. The Moslems were celebrating their annual festival of the Prophet Moses . This fiesta at which howling creatures with         quivering eyes and distorted features worked themselves into a lather, had been the starting point for

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trouble the year before . Each year, as the Moslems carried on their wild dances in the streets, anxiety spoke from the faces of the Jews until the Nebi Moussa festival was over . Notwithstanding this, the British Commandant of Police was conveniently away. The few Jews on the police force had been mysteriously taken off duty for the day.
"Bolsheviki ! Bolsheviki! The Zionists are flooding the country with Bolsheviki!" This ugly cry had reverberated from many throats, Christian and Moslem alike, for a long period of months. With tacit consent the Authorities had given sullen approval to the accusation that "every Jew is a Bolshevik."
This malignant propaganda had been carried on openly under the eye of the Administration until the saturated minds of every section of Palestine's population literally dripped with the poison. 14
Suddenly during the Festival the mad shout arose that "the Mosques were being attacked by the Bolsheviks" (Jews).
At Jaffa, starting point of trouble, the Arabs went on an orgy of murder and pillage "under the official protection and assistance of a substantial number of Jaffa police." 15 In many cases the observance of a benevolent neutrality was insufficient, and the police gave full vent to their patriotism by shooting at Jews, directing the mob and plundering Jewish shops.
A howling horde led by uniformed policemen armed with rifles, bombs and ammunition stormed the Zionist Immigration Depot. Thirteen newly arrived immigrants were butchered amid horrible scenes of rape and looting. The water-front workmen, huge ruffians armed with long boat-hooks, ran through the streets impaling Jews on their weapons. Respectable looking Arabs with well-ironed fezzes, polished shoes, wellcreased pants and starched collars, rushed into stores and helped
themselves to all kinds of merchandise. 16
The conflagration immediately spread beyond the Jaffa district.
In Tel Aviv the disarmed Jews courageously formed a self-defense, holding the `patriots' at bay with hastily mustered sticks and stones. On May 5, the settlement of Petach Tikvah was attacked by thousands of armed fellaheen from nearby villages. 6

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
The assault was delivered in military formation, "directed by a gentleman with binoculars." 17 Hopelessly outnumbered the colonists fought with desperate courage for their lives. The colony Kfar Saba was destroyed and Rehovoth and Hedera badly damaged. Everywhere Arabs ruined beautiful
fruit orchards, the work of a lifetime, burned homes and carried off movable property and cattle. Only the circumstance that almost all Jewish workers were former soldiers prevented the Jewish National Home from being consumed in one grand conflagration."'
The most revolting spectacles had taken place. Defenseless old people and little children alike had been cut to ribbons and mutilated beyond recognition. Women were dragged out into the open street and outraged before being murdered. Bedlam shrieked all over the land of Moses, Isaiah and Jesus. Forty Jews had been killed and countless others injured on the first day alone, before the iron hand of official censorship made all other casualty figures a pure matter of conjecture. Horace Samuel
observes bitterly that the Government "refrained from publishing the number of the Arabs who had been killed in the attack on Petach Tikvah, for fear presumably of unduly depressing and discouraging Arab susceptibilities." 19 The property damage was incalculable.
All Palestine believed that British officials had prepared the disturbances behind the scenes .20 Returning to England after her visit to the Holy Land, the wife of the Labor leader Philip Snowden fixed the responsibility on "the activity of certain British subjects in Palestine and certain English politicians in England." 21 Arab politicos openly boasted of their alliance
with the British `Black Hundreds.' The visiting American clergyman, Dr. Dushaw, speaking to an English soldier in the infested area, asked him what his orders were and received the reply: "I must not shoot." 22 The policy of the police can be judged from the case of Shakeer Ali Kishek, one of the Bedouin chieftains who had led the attack on Petach Tikvah. Subsequently arrested, he "was immediately released on bail as a

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graceful gesture; while . . . the chief notable of the colony, one of the most respected Jewish colonists in the whole of Palestine, Abraham Shapiro, was arrested by order of the same officers, not on any charge, but administratively, and carted off to Jerusalem in a motor lorry." 23
As a token of its displeasure the Government plastered a punitive fine on the villages that had attacked Hedera, which the Arabs never bothered about paying. Warrants were issued against some individuals living in the notorious Tulkarm district who were identified as having been involved in the murderous assaults, but "no efforts were made to execute the warrants." 24
The Authorities refused pointblank to make any investigation, so the Zionist Commission together with Judge Horace Samuel and Mr. . Sacher engaged the services of a British enquiry agent, "who, immediately after he had gotten on the track, was promptly ordered by the military authorities to leave the Jaffa district." 25
According to the principal Medical Officer the total number of casualties in the pogrom were 95 killed and 290 wounded. 26
Lending a ghoulish touch to the after-performance, while the Jews were bowed in mourning for their dead, General Storrs, Governor of Jerusalem, arranged gay parades and interesting literary lectures as if celebrating some festival occasion. 27
The insurrection of 1921 marked a variation of Administration technique. It constituted a precedent for the principle - observed by all ensuing Administrations with almost religious scrupulousness - that every outbreak of armed Arab violence was ipso facto to be rewarded with political concessions and to be followed by a Commission of Inquiry whose importance was to be in proportion to the scale of the revolt.
The Haycraft Commission was appointed to investigate and fix responsibility for the terrible events which had just passed.
One of its three members was Harry Luke, the man whom Palestine Jewry was to hold responsible for the terrible excesses of 1929, when Jewish Palestine almost went up in smoke. This

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body finally ended by finding guilty the `Bolshevik' Jews who had been coming into the country and who had aroused the patriotic Arabs by their May Day demonstrations.
Within forty-eight hours of the Jaffa massacre, Samuel, shivering in his pants, phoned the Governor of Jaffa, instructing him to announce to the Arabs that in accordance with their request, immigration had been suspended. 28 Though this prohibition was a general one in its official terms, it was interpreted to apply only to Jews. Immigrants who were non-Jews were not affected by it. The most ludicrous stories are told of the way this ordinance was applied, Arab officials often compelling incoming immigrants to expose themselves physically in order to prove that they were not Jews, before they would allow them to land.29
Samuel went so far as to offer the Arabs complete control over
immigration, a tender they foolhardily refused. Reduced to simple terms, what they demanded was the enforced return of the Jews to their pre-war status as a tolerated minority without political rights.

This was the same Samuel who had asserted in 1917 that Jewish
immigration must be regulated by the responsible Jewish body in Palestine, and not by the Government ; and who had declared on the second anniversary of the Balfour Declaration  that Palestine must become "a purely self-governing community under the auspices of an established Jewish majority." 30 Sir Herbert was now thoroughly scared. Sir Wyndham Deeds, the only pro-Zionist in his Cabinet, was shunted off, to be superseded by one Sir Gilbert Clayton. Like a disturbed crustacean
Samuel retreated backward as far as he could go.

THE GRAND MUFTI
Implicated in the disturbances of 1920 was a political adventurer named Haj Amin al Husseini .31 Haj Amin, a leering ruffian with misshapen ears and close-cropped scanty beard, was descended from an Egyptian family known for its turbulence and penchant for intrigue . In a general housecleaning under

A MAN NAMED SAMUEL
Log taken to appease the Jews at the San Remo Conference, he had been sentenced by a British court to fifteen years at hard labor, as a dangerous gang leader and agitator. Conveniently allowed to escape by the police, Haj Amin was hiding out in neighboring Syria, a fugitive from justice. This was the gentleman whom Samuel now recalled from exile and appointed to one of the most important positions the Government had to offer. Just
as London controls the Eastern Moslems through the acquiescent Agha Khan, so it was now planned to harness the Western Moslems by setting up a counterpart to the defunct Western Caliphate, in Jerusalem.
Haj Amin was not in the literal sense an Arab patriot. He considered Western Nationalism a work of the devil. His ideal was the old Muslim particularism functioning in an area without boundaries, where none but the Faithful would be allowed to remain with bowels. Beyond that, he was somewhat stupid,
honest in his way, ambitious, and a fanatical hater of Jews.
During the war he had been an officer in the Turkish Army.
With a pardon from Sir Herbert tucked up his flowing black sleeve, this man who had fled Palestine as a common felon, now returned to find himself one of the key figures in the Administration.
Despite the opposition of the then Moslem High Council, which regarded him as a parvenu hoodlum of the most unsavory stripe, Haj Amin was appointed by the High Commissioner as Grand Mufti of Jerusalem for life. Meeting in secret conclave the Moslem bigwigs rejected his nomination by an overwhelming vote . Stiffly Sir Herbert acquainted the discomfited
Moslem notables with his displeasure and ordered them to accept the reprieved convict as their religious leader.
This was only the beginning. Samuel was determined to go whole hog in anchoring this son of the Husseini in the seat of power. He created the `Supreme Moslem Council,' which was presumably authorized to elect its own leadership by democratic vote. In the balloting the Government candidate, Haj Amin al Husseini, polled only nine electoral votes against nineteen, eighteen and twelve for his three rivals . This fact, however,
weighed little with the High Commissioner, who forced the

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chosen candidate, Sheikh Hussam ed Din Effendi Jarallah, to step aside, and made Haj Amin President. Soon after, the Mufti was created Reis al Ulema, president of the religious (Sharia) courts, thus concentrating in his hands the highest posts of distinction and power Palestine had to offer a Moslem.
Few men have had such benefactors as Haj Amin discovered in Sir Herbert Samuel. In his person he now combined the headship of the Church and the Law, so closely connected in the Islamic religion. Under the Turks the Wakf, or religious bequests, were under rigid State supervision from Istanbul.
These were now handed over to the Mufti free of all control by the State. He was given complete authority over all Wakf or other charitable endowments, as well as the Mohammedan courts and educational institutions, including even the Industrial School in Jerusalem . In addition he was provided with a handsome salary out of the public funds; and a staff of two hundred and fifty paid assistants was allowed the Supreme Moslem Council to superintend the six hundred men employed in the various Wak f departments.
As if to make the anti-Jewish lineup airtight, Sir Herbert took the pet scheme of the Generals, the Moslem-Christian Union, under his wing. Although a large number of Arabs objected, he gave it semi-official standing. Under his generous patronage it soon developed strong roots.

THE CHURCHILL WHITE PAPER

In June 1922, Samuel drew up a long document, deadly in its import to the Jews, which when signed by Winston Churchill became known as the Churchill White Paper. The Papal Secretary, Cardinal Gaspari, annoyed by the procrastination in formulating Article XIV of the Mandate, regulating the Holy Places, had put up an outright demand that this Article be clarified and acted upon. Whitehall chose this occasion for another of its flank attacks on the Zionist position in Palestine.
London's principal objective now was covertly to cut off the Zionist Organization from any share in the Administration. The

A MAN NAMED SAMUEL III
document it issued to accomplish this purpose constituted a bold
reinterpretation of the Balfour Declaration . With carefully chosen words it smashes at the legal base for Zionist repatriation, arriving at the remarkable conclusion that the terms of Balfour's Declaration "do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded in Palestine."
In phrases unctuous with sophistry the White Paper attempts to explain away Britain's pledged word and the commitments on which the Jewish National Home was based. The purpose of the Declaration, it now discovers, "is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality . . . but the further development of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have the best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish national home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection."
Thus in two short years Samuel had changed from an impassioned
advocate of the reborn Jewish State, to a pleader for "a national Jewish home in Palestine." As a trial balloon for the Colonial Office he had already reinterpreted the Declaration to mean that "these words [National Home] mean that the Jews . . . should be enabled to found here their home, and that some amongst them, within the limits fixed by numbers and the interests of the present population, should come to Palestine in order to help by their resources and efforts to develop the
country to the advantage of all its inhabitants." Thus, in a sentence, the 2ooo-year old Jewish dream, the unbroken hope for which countless generations of martyrs fought and prayed, is reduced to a philanthropic scheme for improving the economic

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nomic position of the Palestine Arabs by bringing in a leavening
of able, enterprising Jews.
Buried in the Churchill-Samuel White Paper was a neat little paragraph holding that while Jews had every right to return to their homeland freely, this immigration must not be so great in volume "as to exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals." This sounded very nice and sensible; but it was to prove the formula which future anti-Semitic administrations utilized to justify their depredations by principle.
Included also was a scheme for an elective Legislative Assembly to be composed of a trinity of Arabs, Jews and British officials, who would presumably spend their time in the subtleties of reciprocal intrigue. Samuel had originated this as bait for the Arabs, who were mortifying His Excellency by referring to the Administration as `that Jewish Government.      . .'
Ably the White Paper juggled words, hemmed and hawed, to make it clear that Palestine was in future to be considered like any other non-Jewish country, under certain conditions willing to accept a given number of Jews and even to grant them a certain specious autonomy-but no more. Herzl's dream had been permanently laid in moth balls.
The Zionists were in an uproar. The White Paper had been sprung on them out of the clear sky, a few days before the terms of the Mandate were to be published in their final form.
Fuming with indignation, the Zionist Executive balked. At this, Churchill called in the ever reliable Weitzman and pointed out to him that the tenor of the Memorandum was a reflection of British needs in the Near East. Britain had to go slow. Her situation in Egypt and India was critical in the extreme.
Churchill, the friend of Zionism, pleaded with Weitzman and his colleagues, the friends of Great Britain, to accept the Memorandum and to trust that Britain, realizing why they had accepted it, would make ample amends at some future date .32
Having reminded Weitzman of the obligations of British patriots, the clever English statesman drove his arguments home by

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threatening to cancel the entire Mandate if the Executive did not agree in twenty-four hours. 33
Weitzman hurriedly called a meeting of his colleagues, most of whom wanted desperately to call Churchill's bluff. The fact was that the only method by which the projected revision of Jewish status in Palestine could be accomplished legally, was with the consent of the Jewish leaders. But Weitzman wheedled and cajoled, and his associates finally agreed, signing the death warrant of their own movement in one of the most astonishing capitulations to high pressure salesmanship on record.
There can be no doubt that the largest share of the Zionist acquiescence to this move rested on an exaggerated loyalty to the interests of their friend and patron, Britain. They were told that this was merely a temporary makeshift to pull British administrators through a bad spot in the Levant. Had they stood their ground, any coercive tactics used against them would have reacted infallibly against the schemers in London and Jerusalem.
The French still wanted Palestine, and the only title Britain had there was vested in her Jewish wards.
Acceptance of the White Paper at the same time placed the Zionist stamp of approval on another outrage even more deadly to their hopes.

SEVERANCE OF TRANSJORDAN
On the second anniversary of the Balfour Declaration Samuel had quite rationally declaimed that "you cannot have numbers without area and territory. Every expert knows that for a prosperous Palestine an adequate territory beyond the Jordan is indispensable." Yet it was Samuel who cut off Trans-Jordan from the Jewish National Home and handed it to some foreign Arabs for a private pasturage.
Palestine east of the Jordan comprised some two-thirds of the entire mandated area - by far the best part of it, well-watered, fertile, and as empty as the American West when Daniel Boone crossed over from Carolina . The history of Israel is written
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indelibly over every part of its hills and plains. It was the permanent home of two of the Twelve Tribes, as well as the half tribe of Manasseh. The five cities of the plain were Trans-Jordanic . Two of them, Nebo and Pisgah, are like household words.
Between 1918 and 1921, when the creation of a Jewish National Home was being negotiated with the Zionists by the British Government, there was no question of a Palestine West of the Jordan River or East of the Jordan River.
The Balfour Declaration embraced both sides of the Jordan. When one of
the Zionist spokesmen mentioned the eastern boundary of Palestine he was informed that there was no eastern boundary because in the east Palestine bordered on the desert. 34 It is important also to recall that in the Zionist proposals presented to the Peace Conference in February I9I9 (the text of which, like that of all Zionist political documents of the time, had first been seen and approved by the British Government) Trans-Jordan was as a matter of course included in the boundaries of Palestine.
This whole area was embraced in the British Mandate largely because of London's insistence on "a good eastern frontier for the Jewish Government in Palestine." Argument had arisen as to whether Syria or Palestine should get the territory. Unanimously the British papers pounded the drums for its inclusion lest Palestine be unforgivably mutilated by letting the French have it. The London Times insisted that Palestine without Trans-Jordan was a travesty on good sense; 35 the Manchester Guardian alleged that both from a historical and economic
viewpoint Trans-Jordan was an organic part of the Holy Land.
Downing Street had demanded Trans-Jordan in the name of "the forthcoming Zionist Government," 36 and the French finally conceded the issue. Under the Leygues-Harding Agreement, signed December 23, 1920, in Paris, this territory was relinquished by the French in favor of the Palestine Mandate Agreement. Britain now had a solid land bridge to Iraq and "
the East, but the military clique was not satisfied as long as there
was a Gallic foot on that part of the globe.

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Feisal, puppet of the British generals, had just been driven out of Syria by French rifles. His brother, Abdullah, a plump, bearded little man, strikingly like a dark edition of Lenin in appearance, was approached by the Military, who were still looking for a tool with which to pull their chestnuts out of the fire.
In March of 1921 the so-called Churchill Conference took place in Cairo, where it was decided that Feisal, rejected by the French, would get the throne of Iraq and that his brother Abdullah who had been crowned King of Iraq during Feisal's `reign' in Damascus, should be quietly supported in one last attempt at ousting the French. 37
Abdullah, gathering an army of his wild nomads, marched out of the Hejaz and headed north for Syria. He got as far as Amman in Trans-Jordan, when the French quietly let it be known that they had had just about their belly full of English intrigue.
Samuel again grew jittery. He had to curb the Military or face the possibility of the French attacking Abdullah in Trans-Jordan and remaining there . But Abdullah refused to budge.
It seemed necessary to placate him in some fashion-and Sir Herbert had a brilliant idea : he invited the little Arab to a conference to `talk things over,' and suggested that he park a while in the territory of the Jewish National Home. Abdullah, gaping at this unexpected chance for power, thought that this would be very nice. He took over the administration of Eastern Palestine "for a period of six months," ostensibly to restore order 38 - a rather comic provision since the only disorder in the territory was that created by Abdullah and his Sherifian Army itself.
Stroking his chin quizzically at Samuel's droll move, Churchill waited for the Zionists to blow the roof off. For once Winston Churchill, master of bluff and stratagem, was nonplussed. The Zionists had been gagged by Samuel's threat of still further restrictions, and their silence was token of acquiescence.
Secure in the knowledge that Jewish spokesmen would not prove troublesome, London began searching for a basis to further separate Eastern Palestine from the rest of the country.

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The earlier drafts of the Mandate all contained twenty-seven paragraphs, none of which mentioned a separate Transjordan.
The final text, sprung with the quickness of legerdemain, consisted
of twenty-eight paragraphs. The new one, number twentyfive, empowered the Mandatory with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, "to withhold or set aside, in the territories between the Jordan River and the eastern boundaries of Palestine, the employment of such mandate agreements which are found to be inapplicable because of local conditions," certainly an innocent enough appearing proviso. It was explained on the basis of Britain's anxiety lest Jewish life be sacrificed if colonization were attempted before this turbulent, lawless area was
pacified and made suitable for European settlement. It must be pointed out that this article, though it stipulates for the first time a difference between East and West Palestine, nevertheless considers the former an integral part of the Jewish National Home and in no sense even infers its right to separation; its carefully chosen words merely `entitling' the Mandatory to meet temporary emergency conditions, as they might arise, in a special manner - that is by "postponing and withholding" the application of the Mandatory provisions for the Jewish National
Home. 39
Great Britain had no rights in this territory which enabled her to dispose of it. Article V of the Mandate stipulates that "the Mandatory shall be responsible that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign power." Certainly the act of handing it over to these invaders from the Hejaz was a clear violation of both the spirit and letter of this provision.
Right after the Zionists, cringing under Churchill's empty threat, ratified the White Paper, Abdullah and his invaders were installed as masters of Eastern Palestine. In July the terms of the Mandate for Palestine were approved by the League of Nations, and in the same month Abdullah was formally instated as Emir of Transjordan. Adding insult to injury, the Palestine exchequer handed him f180,000 to cover his initial expenses -
the beginning of a long list of generous subsidies paid out of the

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11 7
treasury of the Jewish National Home. Sonorously Sir Herbert declared "in the name of the British Government . . . that Great Britain is willing to recognize the independence of Transjordan under Emir Abdullah." This was a polite euphemism since Transjordan was ruled directly through a British Resident acting on behalf of the High Commissioner.
The second brutal rape of the territory of the Jewish National Home was now all but accomplished. Transjordan henceforward became the only territory in the world to all intents and purposes JUDENREIN (free of Jews).  It was the first country to prohibit Jews from even practicing a profession or owning land.
Its ban on them was complete.
Beyond whimpering a little, the Zionist Executive kept its peace, and actually covered up this gigantic theft of the Jewish patrimony by a new festival campaign "for the Jewish National Fund." As late as October 1934, Dr. Weitzman was with gentle self-abnegation declaring that "we do not wish to change the status of Trans-Jordan by applying the Balfour Declaration there. . ." 40

SAMUEL IS REPLACED
Probably no man was so cordially detested by his own people as this latter-day Herod called Herbert Samuel. In any other community this deep-seated resentment would have flared up in periodic attempts at violence. Jews, who have an instinctive abhorrence of lawlessness as a method of settling their problems, kept their peace but hardly hated him the less.
Among his public acts was the matter of the allotment of the Crown lands, which under the Mandate were to have been placed at the disposal of the Zionists. The story of their distribution is amazing.
The cream of these Government lands were in the Beisan area, in the fertile region known as the Ghor Valley. When the British first took over they found this territory, according to the subsequent report of Lewis French, inhabited by a degraded, sickly population who lived in mud hovels, "and of too

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low intelligence to be receptive to any suggestions for improvement of their housing, water supply or education . . . There were no trees, no vegetables. The fellaheen, if not themselves cattle thieves, were always ready to harbour these and other criminals. . . The Bedu, wild and lawless by nature, were constantly at feud with their neighbors on both sides of the Jordan, and raids and highway robberies formed their staple industry. ."
His Excellency had visited Beisan, chief marketing town of this section, and had been "received with hostility and contumely" by the ruffian population, a Transjordan tribe of nomads who had pitched camp there for the winter.
Nettled, Samuel returned to his earlier technique of placating the tribesmen with gifts. He immediately announced that he was giving the Beisan lands to the same truculent nomads who had insulted him. All told, the Government gave these Arabs almost four hundred thousand dunams (a dunam is about a quarter of an acre) 41 of the best land in Palestine, while the Jews received not so much as a square yard. 42 At the most conservative estimate the land was worth at least C 6 per dunam, even at that time . It was disposed of to the Bedouins for C 1 per dunam, to be paid in yearly installments of two shillings each.
Immediately these lands became the subject of the most cynical
speculation. Tribesmen were not interested in the hard work cultivation requires and most of them were given far more acreage than they could handle by themselves. The net result was that the major part of the soil was immediately offered to the Zionists at fancy prices . Even more sardonic, much of the land given to these Bedouins was resold later to the Government at a profit of some 500 percent, to be used for the resettlement of so-called displaced Arabs .43 Everywhere Arab speculators entered, scenting a middleman's profit. Many of the
tribesmen sold at inflated prices and disappeared into Transjordan and Iraq, rich beyond their fondest dreams of avarice.
The Government was now in fact compelled to tackle a new problem: that of preventing the Beisan lands from subsequently falling into the hands of land-hungry Jews, who were willing to offer almost any price.

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It was during Sir Herbert's regime that Arab opposition to the Jews took definite form and grooved itself. The entire Administration was honey-combed with anti-Semitic officials who made the Executive Offices a nest of pro-Arab activity.
Samuel, masking himself behind a screen of `liberalism,' made not the slightest move to interfere.
When in 1925 Sir Herbert Samuel was relieved by Lord Plumer, Jewish Palestine woke as from a nightmare and breathed free again. He had done about as much damage as it was possible for one man to do to the Jewish cause; but the Zionist Organization thought it politic to go through the mummery of giving him a testimonial banquet. 44

FIELD MARSHAL LORD PLUMER
When the hated Samuel finally packed his duffle and left for England, the Zionists experienced another of those swift surprises that were so continually being prepared for them.
Article IV of the Mandate makes it clear that the Jewish Agency has certain powers, that it should be consulted concerning the appointment of any High Commissioner. The Bureaucrats destroyed the vestigial remnant of this section of England's pledge when they made a test case of it and appointed Field Marshal Lord Plumer out of the clear sky. The Zionists, living up to precedent, simply looked startled and went about their business of `non-political' activities .
Compared to Samuel, Plumer was a vision of fair delight.
By any other reasonable criterion he was a total loss. The Field Marshal was a hard man, iron-willed, who ruled with a clenched fist. He was the only High Commissioner who held his Jew-baiting subordinates within reasonable check. The best that can be said for him is that under his rule there were no pogroms.
When the Arabs, persisting naively in the same tactics which were so successful under Samuel, approached him in delegation, warning that if a planned procession of Jewish war veterans were held, they "would not be responsible for the peace of Jerusalem," Plumer withered them by replying, "No one asked

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you to be responsible .. I am the High Commissioner and I will be responsible." The Arabs never tried that trick again as long as the Field Marshal remained in Palestine.
However, the old policies continued unchanged. Typical of his regime is the loan of f 20,000 to the Beersheba Bedouins in 1928 to quiet their grumbling against the indirect Governmental refusal to allow land sales to Jews. 45 It was also under Plumer that Jews were practically banned from participation in the defense forces of the country.
A whole succession of carefully developed ordinances directed against Zionist penetration marked his regime. Despite this, the Zionists, with good reason fearful of his unknown successor, were sorry to see him go.
When he resigned, a sudden outburst of Jewish energy brought General Smuts, Zionist friend and incorruptible executive, under consideration for the post. Smuts declined, obviously not caring to accept the burden of reconciling his conscience with the policies of the Colonial Office.
Page 135

CHAPTER IX
THE WHITE PAPER BARRAGE
THE THIRD HIGH COMMISSIONER
The soldier Plumer was succeeded in 1928 by Sir John Chancellor.
Chancellor was an unfortunate choice for the Jews.
He had the general appearance of the Shakespearean actor who, with a certain forgivable pompousness, loves to play the great man. His graying hair and regular features were imposing; but his countenance was too complacent and unwrinkled for a man his age, giving an impression of appalling smugness. His contempt for Jews was so deliberate as to appear ostentatious.
It was under this man that the bloody outbreak of 1929 took place. When these excesses brought on an unlooked-for wave of world indignation that threatened to swamp his regime, he issued an hysterical statement condemning the Arabs in terms of unbridled virulence. When he saw the Zionists disinclined to press their advantage and yielding to British blandishments, he maneuvered the placing of political responsibility onto Jewish shoulders.

Chancellor was hardly equal to the standards of shrewd manipulation set by the Colonial Office . When he retired in July 1931, he became an anti-Zionist spokesman in London. No tears were shed when he left the country, to be succeeded by Lieutenant-General Arthur Grenfell Wauchope .

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