Tuesday, December 15, 2015

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE by WILLIAM B. ZIFF - Book One of Four THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK - Draiman



THE RAPE OF PALESTINE by WILLIAM B. ZIFF


THE RAPE OF PALESTINE by WILLIAM B. ZIFF

Opinions
"Having read `The Rape of Palestine,' I stand amazed at the scholarship,
The courage and the competence of William B. Ziff, its author.
The book is full of political dynamite -in its documented indictment of the British camarilla which in betraying the Jewish nation is betraying the British nation as well; in its unsparing exposure of self-deluded Zionist leadership; in its passionate and convincing demonstration that anti-Semitism threatens to annihilate not only us Jews but everything connoted by `Christian civilization.' It is a moving and powerful and vastly significant book, the kind of book, it seems to me, that makes history." - Eugene Lyons "The Palestine problem is not a local issue. It has become one of major significance to the world at large. Mr. Ziff's great book is a splendid contribution to the clarification and ultimate solution of that problem.
It is a perfectly amazing historical document. Its clarity and charm of style, its forthright logic and masterly presentation' of facts make it one of the outstanding books of this generation.”- William Griffin, Editor and Publisher, New York Enquirer
"At last there has come what has so long been needed, a clear, accurate, dependable account of the betrayal of the world's hope in Palestine.”
-Charles Edward Russell
"This book should be read by all those in responsible position in American public affairs who are interested in the foreign scene.”
- H. Styles Bridges, U. S. Senator, New Hampshire
"Every lover of humanity and everyone who hopes' to preserve our present civilization against disaster should read these dynamic pages.
This book is an eye-opener." -William Green, President, A. F. of L.
"I heartily recommend Wm. B. Ziff's book. This great book should be in the hands of all those interested in gaining a proper understanding of the vexing Palestine problems of today." - Reverend Ralph Sockman, Former President, Greater New York Federation of Churches

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
`William 13. Ziff
THE RAPE OF PALESTINE

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
NEW YORKTORONTO 1938

ZIFF
THE RAPE OF PALESTINE. 1938
BY LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO., INC.
First edition November 1938
Second edition November 1938
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

" . I hope the Hon. Members will believe me when I say that I am not pro-Jew; I am pro-English. I set a higher value on the reputation of England all over the world for justice than I do on anything else . . . but when I see this sort of thing going on, with the Government unable to put any argument an the other side, it makes me perhaps bitterer than even a Jew can be against the Government of Palestine today."- Address by Colonel Josiah C. Wedgwood, M.P., to his peers in Commons, May 29, 1934.

PREFACE
The parlous condition of the Jewish people over a large part of the known world, and particularly in such countries as Germany, Poland and Rumania, has called increasing attention to the workings of the Mandate for Palestine now administered by Great Britain under the authority of the League of Nations. The Mandate, when it was written, as well as the antecedent Balfour Declaration, clearly contemplated that the "home" to be established in Palestine was intended for the whole Jewish people who were to be established there by international sanction in the future. The intention was to provide a sane and reasonable solution to the age-old Jewish problem, and it anticipated those circumstances which have rendered so large a portion of the Jewish race homeless.
If this was indeed the purpose of the Mandate it has proved a miserable failure, since it has solved nothing and has only succeeded in adding a new and formidable problem to a world already sinking under the weight of problems. Many reasons are adduced for this failure. Much is made of the irreconcilable differences between Arabs and Jews, which the mandatory now claims render the Mandate unworkable.
The claim that an opposing promise was made to the Arabs will be examined in these pages, as will be the circumstances under which the Balfour Declaration and Mandate were issued. The assertion that the Declaration was extorted from an unwilling Britain by Jewish financiers during the War can be obviously disposed of as a pure invention of the anti-Semitic mind. Another and more reasonable claim made to justify Britain's position in this matter is that she was totally ignorant of the real conditions in Palestine and the actual problems she was letting herself
in for when she made her bargain with the Jews. Under examination this contention loses much of its plausibility. For a hundred years Zionism, as we shall see, had been almost as much an English movement as it was a purely Jewish one. As for local conditions in Palestine, it is undoubted that British officialdom knew more about Arab social and economic problems than the Jews aspiring to settle there. From the time the American scholar Robinson attempted to explore archaeological remains in the Holy Land in 1837, London has, through the Palestine Exploration Fund, concentrated on the study of every minute detail that related to Palestine. "Theirs," state De Haas and Wise, "were the surveys, the compilation of flora and fauna, theirs too the enumeration and localization of the Bedouin tribes; theirs the studies in local conditions, the compilation of customs and excise, estimates of population, speculation as to the origins of peoples, observations on everything that relates to the area between the River of Egypt and the cedars of Lebanon." 1 Reaching far back into the 1840's, Lord Palmerston had compiled for his Government thorough material on Palestine, considering the possibility of exercising a British protectorate over that region in the Jewish interests. Since that time the accumulation has been so vast that it is only fair to say that the British archives contain a better survey of Arab social, economic, agricultural and other problems than the Arabs have of themselves.
As for the Declaration itself, it may be assumed that Lord Balfour, its author is an infallible witness to its intended purpose.
He wrote: "The national and international status of the Jews to that of other races . . . would be promoted by giving them that which all other nations possess: a local habitation and a national home . . . [where] they would bear corporate responsibilities and enjoy corporate duties of a kind which, from the nature of the case, they can never possess as citizens of any non-Jewish state." 2 It will be evident from the records that neither the Declaration nor the Mandate confers upon non-Jews any rights which would allow them to interfere with the growth and operation of the National Home. It is obvious that if these documents were to be interpreted so as to include National Home rights to non-Jews, both the National Home grant to the Jews and the rights of non-Jews would be repealed by implication. The document would then repeal itself, which on the face of it would be a reduction ad absurdum.
As will also be seen from these pages, British trusteeship of the Holy Land was the result of Jewish demand itself, Wedgwood admitting rather shamefacedly in this respect that the Jews were "almost the only non-Anglo-Saxon people who seem to believe that on the whole England does try to behave decently towards other people." 3
If the records are to be believed, the Mandatory for Palestine has followed a deliberate defaulting policy in respect to its obligations there, and has itself largely created the conditions which it now so thoroughly decries. A large share of its policies have been motivated entirely by British power politics in the Mediterranean, in which the Mandate was used for the purpose of surrounding British Imperial strategy in the Middle East with the aura of sanctity. A factor of even greater importance, however, is the gross anti-Semitism of a handful of civil servants in the bureaus of Whitehall and Westminster. It is to the phobia of these men against Jews that most of the troubles agitating the Holy Land can be traced. Its wantonness is not flaunted; it is true, like the excesses of the German Nazis or the Polish Endeks.
It lies icily beneath the shining hardness of bureaucratic logic.
It is overlaid with the softness of English colonial skill - but, as we shall discover, it is in no sense less intense, and fully as implacable, as the open anti-Semitism of the Nazis on the Continent.
This, briefly, will be found to be the underlying condition which hides beneath the maze of pretension by which London has consistently justified its bad faith to the Jews and to the world. It is this factor which has caused the declared policy of the Mandate to fail so ignominiously and which has allowed the Holy Land in these past years to be given over to hooligans and desperadoes who have murdered its citizens, burned its crops and houses and demoralized its commerce.
The records are voluminous. This book attempts only the barest factual description, as free as such an account may reasonably be from evaluations or interpretations which the facts do not bespeak in themselves.
For those who desire fuller information on the various aspects of this subject, a selected list of reference works will be found in the notes and bibliography. The attention of the reader should also be brought to the fact that except where otherwise indicated, italics are in every case my own.
W.B.Z

CONTENTS BOOK ONE CHAPTER PAGE

I. THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK . . .
I
The Ancient Land of Israel -Character of the Hebrew - Struggles for Independence – Final Rebellions - The Dispersion
II. "MAY MY RIGHT ARM WITHER. . ." 21
The Jew Never Gave Up His Claim to PalestineThe First Essential to Jewish Title
III. THE WANDERING JEW 2 5
Fifteen Hundred Years of Tragedy - "Liberty! Fraternity! Equality!" - `The Lost Ten Tribes' - Reawakening Hebrew Consciousness - Herz1
xi
IV.
V.
THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN.
.
.
Topography - Jewish Pre-War Settlements
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION. .
45
5 2
VI.
Palestine and the War - Events Leading to Lord Balfour's Commitment - Struggle with the Non-Zionists - What Did the Declaration Mean?

BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS 64
VII.
Marching Jews - Revolting Tribesmen - The Arab View of Zionism - The Military Junta - Hand rubbing Statesmen - Pogrom and World Horror
THE MANDATE BY THE LEAGUE go Weitzman Obliges - The First Partition
xu
THE RAPE OF PALESTINE CHAPTER PAGE

VIII. A MAN NAMED SAMUEL 100
Under the Colonial Office - A Jewish Ruler After Two Thousand Years - The Pogrom of 1921 - The Grand Mufti - The Churchill White Paper - Severance of Transjordan - Samuel is Replaced - Field Marshal Lord Plumer
IX. THE WHITE PAPER BARRAGE
The Third High Commissioner -The Pogrom of 1929-Who Was responsible? –Commissions and White Papers - The Report of Hope-Simpson - The Passfield White Paper - The MacDonald Letter - The Kid Glove High Commissioner - The Report of Mr. . French

BOOK TWO 121
I. JEWS HAVE A REPUTATION FOR INTELLIGENCE. . 152
The Zionist Organization - The Palestine Dreyfus Case - Labor Dictatorship - Reigning Zionist Personalities
II. "THE DESERT SHALL BLOOM LIKE THE ROSE”. . 176
`Unprecedented Prosperity' -Population and Cities - Character of the People
III. BUREAUCRACY LOOKS AT JEWS 192
The Holy Land and Whitehall - The Jewish Nuisance - `Rule Britannia!' - The Arab Empire Project- Interpreting the Mandate
IV. WELCOME HOME! 234
The Jew Tries to Enter Palestine - Tourists - Hunting down Illegal's - The Arab Comes in Like a Gentleman - Britain Puts on the Heat
V. CLOSE SETTLEMENT ON THE LAND.
.
Soil Hunger - A Famine in Land - Double Standard of Taxation
2 54

CHAPTER VI. CONTENTS BRICKS WITHOUT STRAW.
Sabotaging Industry -Banking and Currency - Citrus - Economic Insanity -'Heads, I Win Tails, You Lose' - On Air and Sea - Roads and Railroads

VII. DUAL OBLIGATION TO Two PEOPLES
The Tax Moneys - Public Expenditures – Cheating Children with Cockles - Health and Sanitation - Laws, Benefits and Public Services -'No Jews Need Apply' - An Anglo-Saxon System of Jurisprudence -The Wolf Named Sheriff to
X111
PAGE
271
304
Does an Arab Race Exist? -Arab Types and Traits - Levantine Worship of God - The Son of the Desert Suffers from Jewish Competition - Nashishibis and Husseinis - Claims, Objectives and Methods -'Semitic Brothers'
II. JEHOVAH ABDICATES IN FAVOR OF DOWNING STREET 4.10
`Let Not Thy Right Hand Know What Thy Left Hand Doeth' -Revolt by Permission – Blaming Italians and Communists - Another Royal Commission - Downing Street Runs the Gauntlet - Mr. Weitzman Obliges Again - Saint George Spits in the Dragon's Eye the Lambs - Numerous Clauses and Censorship

VIII. TRANSJORDAN THE JUDENREIN 340
IX.
Legalities: `Made in England' - Abdullah Puts His Hand Out
WHOOPING IT UP FOR DEMOCRACY 352
I.
The Legislative Council - "By Their Acts You Shall Know Them!" - Some Odious Comparisons
BOOK THREE "A PEOPLE IN DESPAIR”. 366

Spits in the Dragon's Eye the Lambs - Numerous Clauses and Censorship
VIII. TRANSJORDAN THE JUDENREIN 340
IX.
Legalities: `Made in England' - Abdullah Puts His Hand Out
WHOOPING IT UP FOR DEMOCRACY 352
I.
The Legislative Council - "By Their Acts You Shall Know Them!" - Some Odious Comparisons

BOOK THREE "A PEOPLE IN DESPAIR”. 366
xiv
THE RAPE OF PALESTINE BOOK FOUR CHAPTER
PAGE
I. THE COLLAPSE OF EMANCIPATION 47 8
`Enemies of All Mankind'- The Refugees
II. SOLVING THE JEWISH QUESTION IN THE HOLY LAND 492
Absorptive Capacity - Landless Arabs and Agricultural Possibilities -'No Water' - A Prospect of Agricultural Competence - Mineral Resources -
Other Possibilities - An Overcrowded Country
III. "AM I My BROTHER'S KEEPER?”

NOTES 527
APPENDIXES
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
GLOSSARY 598
Maps appear on end pages, inside front and back covers.
5 1 4
57 1
5 84
6oi

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE

BOOK ONE
CHAPTER I
THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK
THE ANCIENT LAND OF ISRAEL
The Zionist fabric is not new. It is of a piece with the whole history and tradition of the Hebrew people. It is inextricably a part of that dynamic stream of consciousness which has swept the Hebrew past a long succession of centuries which, by all logic, should have suffocated him. Unconsciously, even the apostate Disraeli acknowledged the great compulsion of the Hebrew past in the life of the living Jew. Cut to the quick by fellow-members in Parliament who taunted him with being a Jew as he made his maiden speech, he cried in reply: "That is all very well -but
when your ancestors were chasing each other around trees with stone axes, mine were writing the Talmud."
A short glimpse into the history of this remarkable people will shed a clear light on much of the present Jewish situation which must otherwise remain confused and inexplicable.
For countless generations the world has been content with the paradox which allowed it to affirm with Sir William Jones, that the Hebrew Scriptures "contained more sublimity, more exquisite beauty, and finer strains of poetry and eloquence than could be collected from all other books that were ever composed in any age or any idiom" ; and in the same breath to believe that the Hebrews who wrote them were a tribe of wild, illiterate shepherds on a scale of development comparable to that of the modem Bedouin.
Recent archaeological research brings us to the more reasonable conclusion that the people who wrote the Bible were a race who lived in a high state of civilization, not inferior in many of its aspects to that of the present day.
Among the most interesting of these discoveries is the undoubted -
I
2
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proof that Abraham actually lived. We have the word of Sir Leonard Woolley and other scholars, that "the fact of Abraham's existence was vouched for by written documents almost, if not quite, contemporary with him." 1 And Prof. J. Garrow Duncan remarks that in Genesis i-xi are whole passages which "describe actual history dating two thousand years before Abraham, and other passages which are translated from ancient cuneiform records as if the writer had the tablets before him." He describes at Ur, the Jewish patriarchs' birthplace, two-story houses with plastered rooms, together with sewers, pillars and courtyards. "Some of the cuneiform tablets were on the subject of mathematics," from plain sums in addition to methods of extracting cube roots, knowledge, he avers, Abraham most certainly possessed .2

It is now clear that the Jews originated in Mesopotamia, a colonizing offshoot of that ancient Akkadian-Sumerian culture, in which, according to the consensus of modern scholarly opinion, civilization itself was cradled.
The Hebrews entered Palestine as an educated people. That writing was in common use among them even as early as the time of Moses, is shown by the findings at Lachish. Here Sir Charles Marston came upon letters written in ink describing contemporary history, the earliest known use of alphabetical writing .3
Recent excavations confirm completely descriptions in the texts of the Old Testament. At Tell Sbustujeh in Samaria were found exquisite decorations, delicately carved inlays, and various articles of metal craftsmanship, obviously those referred to in Kings 22 :39, Amos 3 :15 and Psalms 45 :8. Here are the palaces of Ahab, and houses built with hewn stone, often of two or three stories, speaking evidence of the rich civilized life which produced them. Excavations elsewhere in Palestine tell exactly the same story. Apparently even the greatest attention was paid to matters of sanitation, and "the great water tunnels at Gezer and
Jerusalem show that no amount of trouble was considered superfluous
in order to provide uninterrupted access to water." 4
In the light of these findings, the great prosperity of the Hebrew nation cannot be dismissed as so much oriental braggado
THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK 
3
cio. It must be accepted as a faithful account of historical fact. The soil had been the basic source of Palestine's wealth and had been so during all the ages until the hand of a barbaric and improvident race fell heavy upon it and robbed it of its fertility. The Song of Solomon describes the luscious beauty of the well-kept and thickly populated country in the springtime; and we have today for reference the remarkable notes of an Egyptian named Sinuhe (about the twentieth century B .C.) who, compelled to reside for a while in the highlands of Palestine, relates tersely "There were figs and grapes and more wine than water. Its honey was ample and its oil abundant and all kinds of fruits hung from its trees. There were wheat and barley and all kinds of flocks, without number." 5 About 200 B.C. another articulate traveler, one Aristeas, raptly describes the country as an agricultural paradise." Josephus himself never grew tired of praising the fertility of his native land. The Galilee uplands he describes as being so closely cultivated as to resemble "a large garden." Tacitus echoes much of this unbounded adulation; while Polybius declared that the district between Beth Shan and the Lake of Galilee alone could support an army.
Biblical testimony itself was unstinting in its lush description of the region as being a land flowing with milk and honey. Deuteronomy describes it as a beautiful country with "brooks of water and fountains and lakes that spring out of valleys and hills, a land of wheat, barley and vines, and fig trees and pomegranates, a land of olive oil and honey, a land where one can eat without scarceness, where there is no lack of anything . . ."
The Jew had been a skilled agriculturist. He knew how to prepare the soil, manure it and clear it of stones and debris. He was accustomed to terrace the hills and knew how to practice irrigation by means of cisterns, wells and canals. The plough-share itself was made out of iron. The ground had to be turned over at least three times, and the plough followed by the harrow ., So highly was agriculture esteemed that even Saul, although he was already anointed king, is seen returning from his day at the plough. 9
In the hands of this provident people who loved their soil, this

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
whole territory was an eden of rich meadows, numberless fruit trees, vineyards, palms and closely cultivated farms and gardens.
Grain crops and vegetables of all kinds grew in profusion both in the valleys and on the hills. The land was so rich in fruits of every kind that they were exported to world markets, where they were famous for their superior quality. All through ancient times the Jordan Valley was noted for its corn, dates, balsam, flax and other products. Here in the last century Tristram came upon elaborate ruins of sugar mills still surviving. 10 Pliny called Judea as famous for dates as Egypt for spices. Galilee was known throughout the ancient world for its olive oil. Its importance
alone is shown by the amount supplied annually to the King of Tyre by Solomon: 160,000 gallons of best quality." Across Jordan the sleek, fat kine of Bashan were proverbial. And Gilead bore perfume and medicine for the whole Eastern world. Hence the proverb, "Is there no balm in Gilead?”
Up to the Fifth Century A.D. the bare hills of Moab were covered with waving corn and closely settled vineyards. Some remnants of the immense forests which once stretched from Kfar Saba and east into Bethlehem still existed as late as 1840, when they too capitulated to the general war of extermination waged by the wandering native population against the woods and soil of this favored country . Writers, even down to the Crusades, described great woods like those of Sharon. As late as Nehemiah's time there was a forester in the Royal Service to control the timber supply around Jerusalem, 12 and from the hieroglyphic papyrus Golenisheff (about 1150 B.C.) we learn that the Egyptians had been importing timber from the Carmel region for generations.”
In this eden of prosperous husbandry it is no surprise to see industry and manufacture keeping pace to create a well-rounded base for the wealth of this fortunate nation. Allied with the farmers were innumerable shepherds, cowherds and cattlemen.
Dairying was of sufficient importance to make a cheese market necessary in Jerusalem. On the other side of Jordan the Jews dealt in wool, and everywhere raised poultry from the earliest times.
They were equally alert and practiced in handicrafts which
THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK 
5
were considered a family pride and tradition. At the time of Jesus, Jewish literature mentions no less than forty kinds of craftsmen.
Hillel was a woodcutter; R. Yeshoshua Ben Hananya a smith; Jesus of Nazareth a carpenter and maker of cattle yokes and Saul of Tarsus a weaver of tent cloths. An interesting picture of various crafts is given in the Wisdom of Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus), a book belonging to about zoo B.C.  
Here the ploughman, the grazier, the carpenter, the engraver, the smith, the potter and the physician are all spoken of.
Excavations at Tell Beit Mirsim (the Biblical Debir) showed that the industrial life of Israel onward to the end of the Exile was well developed. "The evidence of weaving and dyeing, of the pottery industry, and especially engineering, is now greatly strengthened. The evidence of the weaving industry is overwhelming."
14 At Debir, Dr. Albright discovered six dye plants and remnants "showing that there must have been a loom in nearly every house." 15
At the south end of Lake Tiberias was one of the first purely manufacturing towns in economic history. Beautiful dyed cloths and dyes were exported as well as phosphorus, asphalt, tar, salt, glass ornaments and perfumes. Pliny tells us that 'Judean pitch' was world famous. Iron mines were found in the Lebanon and near Jerash. Josephus mentions the `hill of iron' which "extended as far as the land of Moab." Dr. Glueck found in 1934 abandoned workings of rich copper fields in the region north of the Gulf of Aqaba and remarks : "When the Biblical historian
asserts `there was no weighing of the bronze from which he [Solomon] made all these vessels, because it was so much,' one may believe that he was not exaggerating the facts." 16
In those days the present industrial relations between East and West were reversed. The Orient was then the great industrial center and exchanged its manufactured products against the raw materials of the less developed Western countries.
Solomon was canny enough to exploit the unique geographical position of his country. He was the originator of the policy of customs and levied on both imports and exports to keep his treasury full.17 The commerce of the Hebrew State extended in all
6
THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
directions, as far east as China, and as far west as Natal and Zululand where coins dating from the time of the Macabees have been recently discovered."'
On the sea, Rawlinson observes that while the friendly dealings of Hiram with David and Solomon are well known, "the continued alliance between the Phoenicians and the Israelites has attracted less attention." 19 This continued composition of interests between the two neighboring Semitic nations is mentioned by Herodotus and other ancients and is confirmed by modern authorities.20 Says Kaiser: "Jewish sailors were just as numerous as Jewish donkey-drivers." 21
Fishermen too were numerous and the catch so plentiful that much of it was salted and sold abroad. Trade both by sea and over the camel routes thrived. Aristeas declares fulsomely that "a great mass of spices, precious stones and gold is brought into the district . . . For the country is well adapted for commerce as well as for cultivation, and the city [Jerusalem] is rich in the arts, and lacks none of the merchandise which is brought across the sea."
This was the country which Jehovah had promised to his people Israel "for an everlasting possession”; a veritable beehive of plenty and happiness, tribute to what will happen when a favored land and a gifted people meet in conjunction. The Assyrian Sennacherib leaves a record of its populous ness: "I took forty-six of his strong walled cities as well as the small cities in their neighborhood, which were without number." 22 Josephus remarks that "the cities lie here very thick and the very many villages that are here, are everywhere so full of people . . . that the very least of them contained above fifteen thousand inhabitants." 28
Population estimates vary, curtained by the dust of antiquity, but in every case they were so considerable as to cause the modern observer to gasp. In an age where opportunities for sustaining concentrated industrial populations were largely non-existent, the land certainly maintained a per capita density incomparably larger than that which allegedly overcrowds it today.
Diodorus, Strabo, Tacitus, and Dio Cassius all agree that "the
THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK 
7
population to the square mile was larger in Palestine than in any other portion of the Roman dominion." 24
In Exodus. 12:37 we are told that there were "about 600,000 on foot that were men, besides women and children" plus "a mixed multitude" that went up from Egypt. Chron. 21 :5 asserts that when David numbered the people, including the soldiery, or those who were called into the actual service of the King in due course, month by month throughout the year, "all they of Israel were 1,100,000 that drew sword ; and of Judah, 475,000," exclusive of Levi and Benjamin. Josephus estimates the number shut up in Jerusalem during the siege by Titus at 2,700,000. 25 From the figures he gives, Galilee alone must have held fully 3,000,000 people, while the whole of Palestine could be conservatively estimated at least 12,000,000.
Certainly if one may judge from Roman accounts of the wars with Judea, where figures running into the millions were given for the slain, and the numbers sold into captivity ran into legions, these figures are not incredible.

CHARACTER OF THE HEBREW
If the Jews are to return to become a collective force in the world of men, they will beyond doubt resuscitate their ancient law. Prof. A. A. Berle points out that "that law, only vaguely understood, and of only very limited application in world history, will have then a full exposition and a thorough working out in terms of modern life." 26 An increasing army of educators, disgusted with the tyrannical and unpleasant philosophies which are blasting civilization to its foundations, see in the Hebrew laws the elements for a social regeneration of this sick world. "Certainly," says Berle, "many of the laws relating to the ordinary life and relations of mankind, as laid down in ancient Mosaic law, if applied to a modern city block, would regenerate it root and branch.”
Most of what passes for a history of the Hebrew people has been filtered through hostile Greek and Roman sources and
8
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through the hardly less hostile bias of medieval Christianity. The significance of Hebrew genius in relation to its peculiar understanding of cultural values is hence not generally understood.
Dr. Marion E. Cady says of this situation that "now it is being fearlessly asserted that as in religion, so in education, the Jews have made the greatest contribution of any nation, ancient, medieval or modern." 27 Prof. E. C. Baldwin of Illinois University concludes that "modern culture, both artistic and ethical, goes back to Athens and to Jerusalem, but that English culture owes far more to the Hebrew than to the Greeks ." 28 And Dr. F. T. Lamb asserts that "if our boys and girls were trained as Jesus was trained up to twelve years of age, they would be in every desirable respect greatly the superior of the boys and girls trained under the best methods of the present day." 29
The essential core of the Hebrew idea was the superiority of reason. That system of life which is commonly called Judaism was in the most real sense no religion at all. It was never formal, abstract and separated from life, but a throbbing and vital part of it. It was completely unlike pure theological systems such as that evolved by the Greeks - which, attempting to reconcile themselves with the world in its broadest sense, found religious inheritance irreconcilable with rational thinking. It is necessary to understand Judaism in this sense, as a civilization rather than a religion, in order to grasp adequately the dynamics and vitality which have kept Zionism consciously alive over this great lapse of years. Judaism was concerned deliberately with the quality of living on this earth, with the bringing of every phase of existence into relation with eternal truth. "It is worth remarking," comment Graham and May, "that no matter to what heights of social vision and spiritual exaltation the Hebrew seer might climb, he never lost that urge toward physical well-being which had impelled his remote ancestors to venture into the Promised Land .
In the same breath in which he speaks of multitudes streaming to Zion to commune with God, he mentions the vine and the fig tree which every citizen may call his own." 30
"The drift of all Hebrew thinking," says MacDonald, "as thinking, was to link up morals and intelligence." 31 Judaism
THE PEOPLE OF THE BOOK 9
significantly regarded stupidity as the source of evil in individual man. A sinner was a blunderer and not a rational person, and the ultimate morality was not to be a fool. Worshiping Reason, the Hebrew could not credit anything which was either irrational or static. To his mind, nothing existed rigid and unalterable in a state of `being,' but only of `becoming.’
The great Rabbi Hillel, who preceded Jesus by a generation, typified this remarkable viewpoint. Asked by a heathen who wished to make sport of him, to be taught the whole Torah 32 while standing on one foot, the gentle Hillel replied : "What is hateful to thee do not to others . This is the whole Torah. The rest is merely commentary."
While the Hebrew concept regarded all life forces as constituting one unity not capable of being subdivided on varying moral bases to suit varying emergencies and occasions, it was irrevocably anchored in an implicit belief in the sacredness of the individual personality. At a time when Romans compelled gladiators to slaughter each other for sport in the arenas, when material appetites and gross oppressions were the elements of universal law, this free people was living in accordance with a code which for sheer gallantry of expression has had no equal before - nor perhaps since. A spirit of mercy and humanity pervaded the Hebrew legal system. In Jewish law there was never such a thing as legal justification for inequality. No man could vindicate an act of injustice by an appeal to law. Complete equality before the bar of justice was the right of all from humble herdsman to king. The Deuteronomic Code declares no single witness sufficient to convict a man of wrongdoing. Malicious witnesses were severely dealt with. "A straying animal must be taken up and returned to its owner, and if a beast has fallen under a burden the passerby must aid the owner in raising it to its feet again." 33
This applied also to lost articles and provided that if the owner were unknown the finder must care for them until the owner appears.34
Israel had a real love for animals. The law required a man to hasten to the aid of any beast, even if it belonged to an enemy, that was sinking under its load; 36 a sense of justice that
10
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even extended to the threshing floor where the law provided that "thou shalt not muzzle the ox that treadeth out the grain." 38
Love of the resident alien is explicitly demanded in Dent. 19:33;
Deut. 10:19 and Exodus. 22:21; 23:9. The duty of treating strangers,
together with orphans and widows, with justice, mercy and generosity is emphasized, decreeing that the gleanings of grain fields, orchards and vineyards must be left free for them to gather and enjoy .37 The taking of interest on loans to the poor is forbidden.
38 Runaway slaves must be received and treated kindly and are not to be surrendered to their owners or oppressed .39
More amazing still, in an ancient world of cruelty and ruthlessness, are the injunctions of Dent. 24: i6, where the principle of individual responsibility is laid down, so that a relative may not be punished for the misdeeds of a son - in striking contrast with practices in operation even today in such allegedly civilized states as Russia and Germany . Reverence for the aged is strictly enjoined, as is the use of just weights and measures.
The animism still practiced throughout Europe and in parts of America, is declared strictly illegal. Prohibited also are practices of magic, spiritism and pagan rites of communion with departed spirits .40
Uncleanliness is completely discountenanced. In his splendid book, Medicine in the Bible, Dr. Charles Brim details the amazing medical knowledge and sanitary understanding of the ancient Israelites.
Says Dr. Victor Robinson in this regard: "There are passages in the Pentateuch which deserve a place in the Corpus Hippocraticum." 41 And Col. Edgar Erskine Hume avers that every principle of modern military sanitation was known and used by Moses.
Hebrew law also emphasized good breeding, as: "Let another man praise thee and not thine own mouth," 42 or: "When thou sittest among many, reach not thine hand out first of all." 43
Education was widely diffused. The sons of rich families had their tutors, while parents in more modest circumstances taught their own children. Those who could afford it wore handsome clothing of various colors and often the outer garment was embroidered with gold. Everywhere and at all times song and music were to be found. The harp or organ was one of the many
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instruments known. We hear of pipes, psalteries, cymbals and trumpets, all of which required skill in playing and therefore implied instruction." Music seems to have been the joyous climax of all occasions of public or private life. The international repute which Jewish singers had achieved is indicated from the inscription on an Assyrian monument where the chief item of tribute laid on Hezekiah by an Assyrian ruler was the demand for a company of men and women singers.
Labor was highly esteemed. The Talmud directed every father, regardless of his social position, to teach his son some useful trade.45 "The tradesman at his work," it declares, "is the equal of the most learned doctor”; and avers that "he who derives his livelihood from the labor of his hands is as great as he who fears God." The most prominent authors of the Talmud were in fact simple workingmen, shoemakers, iron workers, laborers; proud men who knew no masters and brooked no slaves.
We can also conclude that among the Jews, women enjoyed a free and independent social position. Two of the twenty-four books of the Bible received their titles from the names of women, Ruth and Esther. There were seven prophetesses spoken of in the Talmud. Among them Deborah judged the people and went out with Barak to fight against Sisera. During the reign of Josiah, Huldah was so highly thought of as to be consulted by the chief officers of the kingdom. The king himself bowed down to his mother, as Solomon did to Bathsheba. Wherever in Precepts, Psalms or Proverbs filial devotion is mentioned, father and mother are made equal, as is done in the Fifth Commandment.
Hebrews were never ruled like slaves of an Eastern despot. They were called into council by their kings and contended boldly for their rights. Decrees affecting the whole community were ratified by the general voice of the people, freely assembled.
This free people, for all their gentle philosophy of life, were always animated by the spirit of liberty and inspired by the cry `To your tents, 0 Israel!' They knew how to resist oppression.
They were not overawed by the cruelties of Antiochus or Herod; nor, alone among the peoples of the earth, cowed by the might of Imperial Rome.
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Specific legislation defined and restricted the powers of the crown, in itself eloquent testimony to the democratic spirit prevailing in Israel throughout the whole history of the monarchy .46
We search antiquity in vain for an example of free government
comparable to that provided by Israel. In all the other States of the ancient world, the life, honor and property of the subject were at the disposal of the sovereign; but to the Jewish mind, absolute power in a ruler was incomprehensible. The power and authority of the king were directly circumscribed by law. The highest executive, political and judicial powers of the State were vested in a council of seventy Elders (Zekenim) and a smaller chamber composed of twelve Princes (Nesiim), who together constituted the Congregation or Parliament of the nation. As we
learn from Kings 21:23-24 and 23:30, it had the authority to make and unmake kings and on occasion actually did so. Remarks Sulzberger: "While the modern monotheistic conception of the universe is largely the product of their [the Jewish] genius, so the modern conception of the rational, democratic, representative government owes its origin to the same ancestry." And adds the famed Master of Balliol, Edward Caird: "It is not without significance that the great struggle for political freedom in this country [England] was led by men who drew much of their inspiration from the Old Testament . . ." 461,
The bulk and mainstay of the nation were middle-class farmers and villagers, each one of whom felt himself equal to Caesar.
Tacitus remarks on their health and the fact that they are "capable of enduring great fatigue." Josephus describes them as a warlike people greatly desired as mercenary soldiers and disliked for their arrogance and pride of race.
The idyll of Jewish speculation was no Valhalla, but a time of grace when swords would be beaten into plough-shares and spears into pruning hooks .47 They were the first people in history who regarded their fate not from the standpoint of physical supremacy but from that of moral harmony; yet there was no people in history who possessed the haughty pride in race and the passionate love of country which continually distinguished
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them. This passion of the Jewish people for Palestine is coeval with the Race and is disclosed in every turn in their history – a sentiment as enduring as the Jew. "How shall we sing the Lord's song in a strange land?" begins the Psalms. The Hebrews, a poetical people, addressed their country with all the ardor of one referring to a loved one: "Land of beauty!" "The princess among the nations!" "The joy of the whole earth!"
Coexistent with this infatuation for the country was an unbending love of liberty, so reckless and intense as to amount almost to an obsession. The Jewish greeting was Shalom (peace), but all who encountered him were shortly to discover that it did not mean peace at any price.

STRUGGLES FOR INDEPENDENCE
Situated in the very pathway of invading world conquerors we find this brave people again and again refusing to pay tribute or accept oppression. Typical in sheer pathos is the bitter rebellion of the little country, under King Jehoiachim, against the world power of Babylon during the reign of the omnipotent Nebuchadnezzar ; and nine years later, under King Zedekiah, the doughty refusal to pay tribute . Enraged at the unaccountable nature of this long and obstinate defense against his advancing hordes, the lordly Chaldean determined that the city of Jerusalem should be no more inhabited. He ordered it leveled to the ground. An indiscriminate massacre took place and those who survived were carried off into captivity. The entire country laid in ruins and all that would burn was put to the torch. The prophet Jeremiah, witness to the destruction, wept: "How doth the city sit solitary that was full of people; . . . What thing shall I liken to thee, 0 daughter of Jerusalem? . . . Our inheritance is turned to strangers, our houses to aliens." 48
Nebuchadnezzar thought he had put a final end to this rebellious and irreconcilable people; but not more than fifty years later he who by his own claim sat at the right hand of God, became with all his works only a memory and the Jews returned
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to Palestine. The mighty one had fallen in 539 B.C. to the Persian Cyrus, who was happy to have a nation settled in this seaboard province bound to him by the thongs of gratitude.
Typical again of the magnificent character of this race were their later wars under Judas, son of Mattathias, who was surnamed Maccabeus. A new conqueror had risen in the shape of Antiochus, the Syrian Greek. Now was to begin the first of those world struggles in which the force of idea was advanced as taking precedence over that of inherent personality.
This war was fought to stem the sweeping onrush of Hellenism by which
the known world seemed about to be engulfed.
With a small group of his determined followers Judas refused to yield. Attacking giant armies again and again with his little band of guerrilla fighters, he won a succession of victories. The Syrian in a towering rage at this lilliputian effrontery, declared his intention of utterly exterminating every individual of the Jewish people. He invaded with the enormous armies so characteristic of despots of the period.
Able to muster but a handful of ill-equipped men, Judas was counseled to retreat. He replied with characteristic recklessness: "If our time has come to die, let us die; but let it never be said of us that we turned our back on an enemy." With only eight hundred men he attacked the invading legions near Adorsa.
Here, fighting grimly to the last, the stern company gave up their lives. But the miracle had happened: the invader, nonplussed by the unexpected nature of this furious resistance, was stopped dead in his tracks. Jonathan, brother of Judas, took up the struggle.
The Syrian levies, dismayed and beginning to believe they were fighting devils instead of men, gave the matter over as a bad business and went into retreat .49 Once more Jews saluted each other with the old greeting of Shalom and began to build where they had left off.

FINAL REBELLIONS
It was inevitable that the lengthening shadow of Rome should fall on this little land which, for all its smallness, was yet the
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crossroads of the world and necessary for anyone who would hold a firm grip on the rich hinterland of Asia and Africa. The times were turbulent. The Maccabean princes themselves were in civil war, Hyrcanus warring against his brother, Aristobulus II. Finally the two brothers entreated the assistance of Pompey, then commander-in-chief of the Roman troops in the East, and elected him arbiter of their mutual differences. The consequences of this step were fatal to the Jews. Pompey with true Roman forthrightness, finding the place pleasant, decided to remain. He therefore invested Jerusalem on his own account. The Jews, trapped by their own folly, put up their usual stiff resistance and the usual slaughter ensued. "The constancy and unshaken firmness" of the defenders, says an account of the siege, "excited the astonishment and admiration of the conquerors" who, however, with fine circumspection, were not so abashed as to omit reducing the country to the status of a Roman province and exacting a crushing tribute . This was about 63 B.C., after the Jews had enjoyed scarcely a hundred years of freedom.
Under Herod, who was soon to sit on the Jewish throne as a Roman puppet, a conscious policy was adopted aimed at denationalizing this dynamic people. In despair the frantic nation writhed and spat in every direction like a caught wildcat. Continuous sullen insurrection made the air electric. A large number of Jews turned in sheer weariness from what was evidently a hopeless struggle, to a desire for a world religion where peace and justice would reign once more. The new prophet, Joshua of Nazareth whom the Greeks called Jesus, arose to interpret this new direction of Jewish hope. He preached to a rebellious, crushed and unhappy people, his own nation, and a class whose stake in the world had been gradually destroyed. Reason had spoken against the futility of attempting to maintain a Culture and State independent of the redemption of unhappy mankind the world over. They turned to this great new prophet, confidently considering the national devotion of the rest of Jewry as so much outworn, reactionary adherence to a social order clearly failing and soon to be outmoded in the coming brotherhood of man.
The Jews of the Dispersion carried the new faith with them and
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"formed the bridge across which Christianity entered the Roman world." 50 It was from the synagogues of the far shores of the Mediterranean that its gospel of world brotherhood was fervently proclaimed, so that for generations there was so little difference between Jew and Christian that both factions attended the same synagogues together. Had anyone told the followers of this new idyllic creed that in its name their brother Jews would one day be flayed alive and boiled in oil, he would have been considered a lunatic?
In Judea itself things went from bad to worse. One Roman governor outdid the other in cruelty and rapacity. The whole Hebraic conception of life crumbled under an onslaught of graft, lust, sabotage and provocation. The old courtly idea of Jewish ethics became a liability; dishonesty and venality were soon recognizable as the only guides to a comfortable existence, and began to corrupt the character of the people themselves. The country was overrun with robbers, and justice was sold to the highest bidder. Great numbers of the wretched Jews, unable to stand this intolerable situation any longer, emigrated.
These were the conditions that preceded the disastrous war which desolated Jewry and dispersed the Jews. Goaded to wild desperation they rose once more in insurrection, a rebellion the most desperate of any recorded in history.
Ironically enough, Agrippa II, descendant of the Maccabean kings, thoroughly Latinized, joined with the Romans. Attempting to show the rebels the folly of opposing the conquerors of the world, he urged them to lay down their arms and submit. The reply was open defiance.
Retaliating, the Romans massacred almost a hundred thousand Jews. The hills around Jerusalem were turned into a forest of crosses on which despairing patriots paid in last full agony for their devotion.
The rebels however were made of stuff that was not to be cowed by these punitive measures. They attacked with such indomitable fury that they soon held a large section of the country.
Enraged by this unheard-of insolence, Cestius Gallus invaded from Syria with an immense army, burning all the towns and villages
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on his way and slaughtering the inhabitants. Investing Jerusalem, he was to his own astonishment defeated and put to flight.51
The Emperor Nero, puzzled by this extraordinary occurrence, wisely decided to take no chances. He appointed the great General Vespasian to prosecute the war, who again laid siege to the capital.
Meanwhile the Jews were wasting their strength and resources in internal quarrels. Within the city sanguinary civil wars and sub-civil wars rent to shreds the defenders, who displayed a common front only when the invaders were visible beneath the walls. When the Romans had been driven back, these fratricidal contests were at once resumed.
The attack was now in the hands of Titus, Vespasian's son.
Grown weary of this interminable investure, he attempted to parley with the insurgents, who contemptuously refused any terms whatsoever save unconditional freedom. Finally, as a result of the continuing internal struggles of the defenders themselves, the city fell. Josephus graphically pictures the indescribable events that followed: "One would have thought that the hill itself on which the Temple stood was seething hot, full of fire in every part, yet there was more blood than fire, and those that were slain were more in number than those who slew them. Nowhere was the ground visible, so covered was it with the dead . . . but Simon and John were still living, and a few brave men were with them, who took up a position in the Upper City, on the Hill of Zion, and still held out. For the last time Titus . . . again offered terms to the insurgents." They declined them, and eighteen days later the Holy City of the Jews was at last subdued.
Refusing all mercy, the defenders had fought for every house on every street. It is said that 1,100,000 Jews were slaughtered.
And Josephus assures us that there was no place in the land which did not suffer the same calamities as the Capital. "The Romans pursued, took, and slew them everywhere." 52 They were without question the most formidable opponents that Rome had ever encountered, and Roman hatred for these bitter rebels extended even to foreign parts. Great massacres took place in Egypt and
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Cyrene. Tremendous numbers were taken away as captives, to fight as gladiators in the public theater or to be devoured by wild beasts.
Living symbol of the indomitable Semitic spirit, three fortresses still held out to the end. The last to be taken, Masada, under the command of the lion-hearted Eleazor, maintained itself for long months as an island of resistance after the sea around it had been beaten into submission. Rather than surrender, the defenders slew each other, the last survivor defiantly setting fire to the castle before executing himself. So they fell, writes Tacitus, "with swords in their hands, contending for liberty, and, in the act, preserving it. . ." 63
It had taken Titus more than seven years to subdue a tiny corner of the earth whose inhabitants had not much more to offer in arms and battlements than their simple valor. Returning to Rome, the weary conqueror caused an arch to be erected to commemorate the event, a recognition only given to honor a victory over great and formidable enemies.
Large numbers of Jews who had escaped the destruction sought asylum in various parts of the world. The dispersion had begun in earnest.

THE DISPERSION
Even these catastrophic losses did not serve to break the Jewish spirit. Scarcely a generation had passed when the same old revolt broke out again, more tempestuous than ever (A.D. II6).
This time the dispersed Jews suddenly rose in blazing fury to aid their brothers who had been struggling in Judea. "Myriads," says Eusebius, "had already been killed in the past seventeen years." There is plenty of evidence that the Jews did equal damage to their enemies.
Simultaneously the scattered men of Israel rose in mad rebellion in the provinces of Egypt, Lybia, and Cyprus, determined to recover their patrimony. They were led by one of the most stirring figures in all the records of man, a new Hannibal come to plague the Roman, named Bar Kochba. Eusebius declares in righteous indignation that entire districts were terrorized by
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their armies; they "laid waste the land." Whole provinces were devastated in this amazing struggle of one small gallant nation against the mightiest empire of the world. Bar Kochba had succeeded in accomplishing the impossible: he drove out the Roman, holding the entire Empire at bay, and set up a Jewish State. The quality of the man may be judged from the prayer he is said to have addressed to the Lord Jehovah asking that no assistance be given to the enemy. "As for ourselves," he finished piously, "we ask no help - we will take care of ourselves.”
The Emperor Hadrian was appalled. In desperation he set aside all other tasks of state, concentrating his energies on the business of wiping out Judea, which had now become a menace to the very life of the Empire .54
For almost four years the contest continued. When finally resistance ceased, Judea resembled a wilderness. All men capable of bearing arms had fallen, together with their auxiliaries from the Diaspora; and "the un-buried bodies of the hundreds of thousands of the dead poisoned the air." At the fall of Bether alone half a million Jews are said to have lost their lives.
Such vast numbers were sold into slavery that in Rome a Jewish slave was cheaper than a horse. Determined to put an end to this refractory race, Hadrian devastated Judea and swept it clear of Jews. He rebuilt Jerusalem under the name of Aeolia Capitolina and issued an edict forbidding any Jew .to set foot in it on pain of death. Such Jews as survived withdrew into Galilee.
It is interesting to note that to the Roman, Christianity was still merely a schismatic Jewish sect. Even at that late date he regarded Mount Calvary and the Holy Sepulchre as spots especially venerated by the Jews. And in his anxiety to stamp out what he considered to be Jewish rites; Hadrian built a Temple to Venus on Golgotha or Calvary; and in the Grotto at Bethlehem where Jesus was born; the worship of Adonis was established.
Even after the ferocious revenge taken by Rome for their last uprising, the will of the Jews for a free Zion remained unbroken.
Utterly ruined and bitterly oppressed, they still had strength enough under the reign of Constantine to erupt again in open rebellion in the Fourth Century A.D. The Roman Emperor sent
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a powerful army against them, which stamped out the uprising with indiscriminate slaughter. The survivors taken captive were sold as slaves. But if the Imperial Government thought it was through with this obstinate race whose will to national existence?
continued without a State, without territory and almost without human rights anywhere, it soon realized its miscalculation. The fierce determination of the Hebrew to recover what was his by main force remained fiery and undeterred as before. When King Chosroes of Persia proclaimed war against the Western conquerors, the Jew, Benjamin of Egypt, created a Hebrew army of thirty thousand desperate men. Together with the Persians they conquered the larger part of Palestine and held it under Jewish administration for fourteen years.
This was the last straw. Along with the barbarians it had absorbed, Christianity had taken on much of the pagan hatred for Jews. The monks had long been urging the Emperor Heraclius to exterminate this obstinate people. This was their opportunity to drive their argument home. When the country reverted to Byzantium, the contentions of these men who alleged to speak in the name of a Jewish Prophet bore fruit. In one fell swoop every right the Jews had to human existence were taken from them and they were hunted down like animals. Those who escaped fled to the arms of their brethren in Egypt and the Mediterranean world to hope. anew. Palestine itself was now peopled almost exclusively by Roman soldiers, Greeks and the inmates of Christian monasteries. Thus the Jews defended to the last their right to the land whose every stone they adored, and entered the long trek of homelessness which was to be their destiny through the ages. If ever sheer love, devotion, courage and sacrifice spoke for a human right; it speaks in the wars of the Jews for the heritage given them by their Father Abraham. In all the world of fact or fiction there is no record like this. A man must indeed be pulse less who can survey it without admiration and awe.


CHAPTER II
"MAY MY RIGHT ARM WITHER. . ."
THE JEW NEVER GAVE UP HIS CLAIM TO PALESTINE
The whole history of the Jew, if it has any meaning at all, lies in a demand f or political restoration. Despite the spirit in which Jewish history later began to be falsified, one may understand that what these unhappy exiles concentrated all their hopes and yearnings on was the dream of a reborn Jewish State. It dominated the writings of the rabbis; it permeated prayer and poetry; it was part and parcel of every expression of existence. "We cannot," they complained in prayer, "serve Thee according to Thy commandment." And mournfully the Talmud proclaims: "He who has not tasted the bread of Palestine does not know how bread tastes.”
Their oath of fealty is famous wherever men gather who love character and devotion: "May my right arm wither ere I forget thee, 0 Jerusalem!" For a thousand years their toast and blessing rang in challenge: "Next year in Jerusalem!"
Jews were buried with a bag of Palestine soil under their pillows, that they might poetically have in death what had been so cruelly driven from them in life. In Jerusalem where some few stones of Solomon's Temple still survived the ravages of the vandal, the Jew poured out his sad, passionate heart.’
No matter where the Jews lived, culturally and spiritually they moved in a Palestinian milieu. "It did not matter to them that Palestine was in the possession of Bedouin or Turk" - three times daily the petition went up that her crops might prosper – exactly as though the Jews still lived there in undisturbed possession.
"After each meal the Jew gave thanks for the Land as though he were still living in it and enjoying its produce." 2 He was certain of again occupying it, and always remembered that he was in exile.
The scattered communities of the Jews, until modern enlightenment
shattered them beyond recognition, were far more than
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mere retreats of religious zealotry. They were rather an organized attempt to continue their national existence in every possible sphere and to remain as an individual force in history. All through the Dispersion, from the captivity in Babylon, wherever Jews migrated they sought each other out and formed themselves into self-governing communities as a matter of collective self-determination . Thus until the Emancipation the Jews were to all intents a territorial group. The fact that they were distributed in a number of pales or ghettos did not render a common territory less of a factor in their lives.
The entire structure of Jewish existence stemmed from the faith that the Temple would soon be rebuilt and the Jewish State restored. And they wished to be ready when this happy time arrived.
Thus these pathetic exiles lived, like creatures stepped from drama, and forgot the dreary present in dreaming of an idyllic future which they believed near at hand.
One can readily understand the sweet Hebrew poet Halevy, singing a thousand years after the Exodus in identical strain with the troubadors who composed the psalms. All chivalrous hearts must weep for the constancy and the beauty with which he lifts his lyrical voice and cries: "To weep upon thy misery I am like a howling jackal; but when I dream thy return and restoration I am the harp for thy joyous songs.”
So also, in this unbroken continuity of belief and longing, the modern Hebrew poet Bialik, eye-witness to the pogroms of South Russia, was to pledge his faith in the destiny of his people; singing in deathless words that unending claim which to the Jew is his title in this world
"Thou wilt not totter, tent of Shem - I shall rebuild thee.
Thou wilt yet outlive the palaces
As thou didst the days of the destruction
When the towers crumbled." 

THE FIRST ESSENTIAL TO JEWISH TITLE
It is on this tenacious, unwavering concentration of hope, sacrifice and prayer that the first part of the Jewish claim to Palestine
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is based and not alone, as Judeophobes would attempt to make out, on the mere existence of a Jewish State in remote antiquity.
Dr. Wm. E. Blackstone, quoting the foremost authorities on international law, pointed out in 189 i that since the Jews never gave up their title to Palestine, the general `law of dereliction' could not hold in their case: "for they never abandoned the land.
They made no treaty, they did not even surrender. They simply succumbed, after the most desperate conflict, to the overwhelming  power of the Romans . . . and were captured or enslaved . . .
Since then, having no sovereign nor political head through whom they could speak; they have disputed the possession of the land, by continued protest through their literature and their public and private worship." He showed that the Jews throughout the ages have continually stated in the Passover service: "Next year we hope to celebrate it in the land of Israel," and that other feasts and prayers recount the same unbending sentiment, as, "Next year children of freedom in Jerusalem! “3
Blackstone quotes the outstanding legal luminaries of his day, who agree that the Jewish claim was legally, at least, sound? He points out that according to the logical precedents established by such authorities as Buswell, Wheaton, Clifford, Phillimore and others, "the forcible manner by which Israel has been kept out of the land, with no means of redress, is equivalent in principle to a continued state of war," and that therefore "limitations should in no event run against them until they have had the opportunity to present their claim at the bar of the only possible earthly court, an International Conference.”
The greatest legal authorities have agreed that according to the foundation principles of international law there is no basis for prescription against Israel, either on the ground of dereliction or of undisputed possession - that therefore the Jews have a valid claim on Palestine as long as there is a single Zionist alive. Certainly no more desperate opposition to despoliation has ever existed in history, nor a sterner demand for restitution.
The British Government in 1920 recognized without reservation the validity of this claim .4 It points out in clear, ringing words that Jewish nationalism has been continuous, and refers to
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the fact that it is "the oldest nationalist movement in history.”
No more thorough, comprehensive or understanding statement of Jewish aims has ever been penned than this official English publication which is now buried somewhere in the dusty files of Whitehall.

CHAPTER III
THE WANDERING JEW
FIFTEEN HUNDRED YEARS OF TRAGEDY

Despite the frightful suffering to which their position in medieval life daily exposed them; the Jews maintained a vigorous, colorful, picturesque existence in which their communal and personal life blossomed out in rich and luxuriant beauty. Scattered from the Persian Gulf to the Irish Sea, the Jewish communities acknowledged equally a system of law that bears comparison with the great systems of the world. With dynamic resilience Jewish life readjusted itself to the new conditions, but carried over with it the old Eastern civilization intact. In the midst of the intellectual decay which overtook mankind during the Dark Ages, it is astonishing to see Levi Ben Gershon calmly asserting the existence of primary matter, Hasdai Crescas refuting the narrow concepts of Aristotle, and Rambam dipping his majestic mind into the realms of psychiatry. Academic research and such modern subjects as sex hygiene were part of the regular curriculum of Jewish schooling. Every child was taught the Law; and the sages even implied that the study of the Torah and the observance of its laws were more important than the ceremonies of Worship.
"All the mitzvoth [religious injunctions] are not equal to one word of the Torah," says an authority of the Third Century with sweeping bluntness.
It was in this vibrant atmosphere that Judaism thrived and held staunchly to its belief in the recon quest of the Promised Land, and not in the pallid air of religious zealotry which was later to settle on its spirit like a sickness.
Behind the shroud of silence to which anti-Jewish bias has consigned it, the organized civilization of the Jews during the Dispersion glistens like a diamond. While all else was in the most impenetrable darkness and ignorance, Hebrew writers and scholars not only constructed original works, but studied and elaborated 
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the writings of classical antiquity and rendered them accessible to the Christian countries of the Occident. The Arab invasion which followed the rise of Islam was instructed from the same source. Jews wrote the first works on fevers and material medical and translated them into other languages. They founded and supported the famous schools of Salerno and Montpellier.
Until the end of the Sixteenth Century medicine was almost a Jewish monopoly. In all of the other arts and sciences, mathematics, astronomy, physics, alchemy, history and geography, Jewish minds excelled. Typical of the stature and enterprise of these lordly exiles was the expedition of Columbus. The great navigator himself is said to have been a secret Jew or Morrano. More to the point, every officer on board the three ships was a Morrano; the nautical instruments, charts and tables without which the voyage would have been impossible, were all invented by Jews.
According to the historian Francis Trevelyan Miller, Columbus' ships were owned by the Jewish Pinta Brothers, and as for the myth of Isabella's jewels, Herbert Adams observes that "not jewels, but Jews were the real financial basis for the first expedition of Columbus." 1 It is also interesting to note that the first European to set foot in the New World was the Jewish interpreter Luis de Torres, closely followed by the Jewish surgeon Marco and the Jewish physician Bernal .2
The Jews left no branch of learning or science untouched.
Said Sombart: "Israel passes over Europe like the sun; whenever it appears new life shoots up, but when it is withdrawn all that once flourished withers away." 3 The German scholar, Dr. M. I. Schleiden, declares that during the Middle Ages "the Jews were the preservers of agriculture, of all large industries." 4 And Valeriu Marcu assures us that "the most important monarchs seem to have been unable to manage without Jewish educators, advisers and ministers. . ." s
In commerce as in culture, the part played by this expatriate people was tremendous. "At all points where the formation of cities was going on, where an urban community was developing out of the former castellum of the Romans, the Jews contributed a decisive element by bringing trade within the walls." 6 This is
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expressed in a truly classic manner in the words with which Bishop Rudiger of Speyer opens his charter to the Jews in the year 1084 "Desiring to make a city out of the village of Speyer, I have admitted the Jews . . ." Summing up their collective relationship to a single State, Abbott comments on the expulsion edicts of 1492 that "the life of Spain went out with the Jews."
The distinguished character of this Hebrew culture is traceable everywhere, where it is not hidden by slander and omission.
The personal life of the Jew was no less well-ordered. Until later edicts ousted them from that work, agriculture was the most highly esteemed of occupations; and they practically held a monopoly on handicrafts where taste as well as manual skill was required. As a speaking instance, when the edict of expulsion reached Sicily in the Fifteenth Century, the State Counselors entreated the King to delay the measure, for they said: "Nearly all the artisans in the realm are Jews. In case all of them are expelled at once we shall lack craftsmen capable of supplying mechanical
utensils, especially those made of iron, as agricultural implements and equipment for ships, galleys . . ." 7
Labor itself remained dignified in Jewish life, as it was in the old homeland. Bespeaking this attitude, Maimonides laid down the axiom that "a single coin earned by one's manual labor is worth more than the whole revenue of the Prince of the Captivity, derived as it is from the gifts of others." 8
The sanctity of the Jewish home continued in undiminished tradition. Nothing in modern life can excel the courtly respect and single-hearted devotion which the Talmudic husband displayed towards his spouse. "He loves her as himself," declares the Talmud, "but honors her more than himself.”
All through this period the Jews justly prided themselves on their fastidious habits and regard for the amenities. Cleanly habits were in fact codified, and Jewish medieval law contained a systematized scheme of etiquette, of good custom and refined taste. It was not until centuries of ghetto life and cruel degradation had rendered the Jews indifferent to their surroundings that this old characteristic ceased to distinguish them.
It was the Fourth Lateran Council under Innocent III which
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in 1215 made the first serious encroachments on the freedom and possessions of the Jews, forcing them by decree to wear a distinctive mark on their clothes, the so-called `yellow badge.' The decree of the Synod of Breslau in 1267, prohibiting Jews from living together with Christians in the Eastern provinces where "the church was still a tender shoot," finally led to the establishment of the Ghetto in all countries. The Jewish quarter was usually situated in a disreputable, crowded, unhealthful section of the city. It was guarded by night so that no one could enter or leave. Its area was to serve for all time; it was not to be enlarged.
Its narrow, crooked streets were always dark. In this foul area where sunlight could not enter, there was no room for trees grass or flowers. Infant mortality was staggering; the faces of young and old alike were habitually pallid.
Deprived of all legal position and branded as incorrigible Satanists,
isolated like lepers from the rest of mankind, these proud Semites found themselves unwittingly the prey of all comers.
The attitude of the Church gave pitch to the orchestra of hate and despoliation in which state, city and populace largely participated.
Not content with humiliating and caging them like dangerous animals, accusation upon accusation was piled at their door. It was claimed that they made a practice of stealing the consecrated host wafers, mistreating the body of Christ in them until blood flowed forth. At the time of the Black Death they were accused of poisoning the wells; and lending tone to these charges, in many places confessions were extorted from them on the rack.
Jews were compelled like cattle to pay a poll tax, a heavy admission tax and a whole list of other imposts partly ridiculous and partly humiliating. When they could be mulcted of nothing further, they were expelled over night and their meager possessions confiscated.
Even the written records of Hebrew science, philosophy and learning, so lovingly and painstakingly collected, were prohibited.
A typical example is the decree of destruction of the Talmud in France, in 1242, followed by the public burning of twenty-four wagonloads of Jewish books.
THE WANDERING JEW
29
In Germany especially, the massacre of Jews took place before the Plague gave an added impetus to the pogrom frenzy. Murderers and incendiaries were allowed free rein and in more than three hundred and fifty communities the Jews were murdered, drowned, burned, broken on the wheel, hanged, strangled, buried alive and tortured to death for the sanctification of the name of God. 9
The entire world had become a horrible dungeon in which this proud and intellectual people suffered the tortures of the damned. They were exterminated in York and London; in Spain at the instigation of St. Vincent Ferrer; in Italy where John of Capistrano preached; in Poland, Bohemia, France, Moravia and Austria. They were turned into human torches to fiendish rites from one end of Europe to the other, ripped open with pitchforks and scythes, or beaten to death like dogs.       In France alone, during the reign of Charles VI, over a hundred thousand Jews, totally destitute, were forced to leave their homes and seek refuge in Germany, Spain and Savoy. Typical of the period were the actions of Philip the Fair, who in the Fourteenth Century had the Jews unexpectedly driven out to obtain possession of their goods; and that of Charles VI, who in 1394 again decreed banishment and conversion of their possessions to the State Exchequer.
The onrush of the Crusaders exposed the Jews to a new series of sadistic outrages. Whole communities were wiped out in cold blood, sacked, and forcibly converted. In the Rhineland, and in France at Anjou, Portou and Bordeaux, thousands were burned en masse; and when in 1105 Godfrey de Bouillon took Jerusalem in the name of Christendom, his first act of piety was to drive the Jews into the synagogue and burn them alive.
The list of tortures and outrages suffered by this unhappy people is unending. In 1336 a mob of five thousand peasants led by two nobles, the `Armleders,' armed with pitchforks and axes, traversed Franconia, Alsace, the Rhineland, Bavaria and Austria, and massacred all the Jews of one hundred and twenty communities in their lust for spoil. In 1298 a nobleman from Roettingen named Rindfleisch, declaring himself appointed by heaven to exterminate 
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the Jews marched through the country and for six months committed the most unheard of outrages against his hapless victims. One hundred and forty-six communities were reduced to bloody shambles.
In Spain and Portugal during the Fifteenth Century more than a million and a half horrified beings slipped into the crazy whirlpool of the Inquisition, the auto-da-fe, torture, violation, banishment, and death. In faraway Ukraine in the decade following 1648, the entire Jewish community, almost eight hundred thousand human creatures, was butchered with revolting tortures so hideous as to defy description. All over Europe the dread "Hep! Hep! Hep!" of the hooligans echoed in the dark streets of the ghettos. In all parts of the Western world Jewish blood flowed down many widely separated rivulets into one mighty stream. In North Africa and the Orient, like a sickening flood, the same indignities, cruelties and disasters overtook their fleeing footsteps.
Each new depth to which this once sturdy people were pushed only served to open up deeper and unsuspected abysses of horror.
Forbidden to own land, to engage in handicrafts, deprived of membership in the all-powerful guilds so as to be virtually excluded from trade, harried, slandered and ridiculed, the walls of the Ghetto held them like a prison.
The effects of this system of branding a whole people as a pariah class were as deplorable as they were inevitable. The Jew became the mark for the meanest of insults. He was beaten, reviled, scorned and abused by everyone. This constant humiliation and degradation finally brought him so low that he became the mockery of mankind. He lost the courtly bearing, the refinement of speech and manner which had always distinguished the Hebrew character. Suffering and debasement had also wrought vast changes in the inner consciousness of the race. Where once he had stood on his native Judean hills, the fiercest, most intractable
fighting man in the entire ancient world, long centuries of persecution had made him submissive like a whipped dog. Meekness and non-resistance became rationalized into a veritable philosophic code. The once lofty Jewish mind hardened and be
THE WANDERING JEW 
31
came grooved in a maze of ritual. Where once had stood the proud gentility of Hillel, now huddled the wraith-like figure of the pious Israel of Miedzyboz, who preached "humble submission" and a dervish-like rapture of worship which could not but have amazed the stiff-necked old Hebrews in whose name this slave doctrine was enunciated.
The love of inquiry, the intellectual penetration traditional to the Jew, was now transformed into an absurd concentration on dialectical speculations. Deprived of normal outlets to his energies, futile speculations and the splicings of fine theories became his entertainment. The old great Jewish culture disappeared, unnoticed, in a wilderness of stratified formalities, words and ritual.
To complete this sorry picture of deterioration and collapse, the strangled Jewish mind became obsessed by a peculiar indirectness of approach to all problems. The most realistic of all peoples became unreal, pedantic and mystical. All of these changed factors of character and outlook are reflected in the development of the Messianic doctrine.
It must be noted that the earlier seeking after a Messiah rested on quite a different base. It spoke for the sturdy rebellious nature of this people, that their thoughts were always on freedom.
It reflected a passionate desire for a leader who in strictly mortal fashion would help them redeem what had been raped from them.
The remolded concept rested very subtly on a completely opposite psychology, although the idea appeared to be the same.
The impatient rebelliousness, the stiff self-assurance, the commonness of instinct, which had caused the widely separated Jews to rise like one man under Bar Kochba, had vanished. In their stead lived a new zealotry in which dogma and visionary metaphysic vied for mastery. Like a dazzling light, blotting out the sordidness of his surroundings, a deep sense of mission now enveloped the befuddled Jew. With humble piety he conceived of himself as the instrument whereby all the peoples of the earth, including those who had abused and vilified him, would be led into
eternal gentleness and bliss. Thus tremulously awaiting the divine 
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deliverer lived the Jews, a great nation who had shriveled to a caricature of themselves through the cruelest set of circumstances ever to beset the path of man.
They had not long to wait. A whole host of Messiahs appeared in response to this wishful expectation. From Abu Isa of Ispahan in the Seventh Century, Zonarias of Syria in the Tenth, to the shabby Zabettai Zevi, they periodically kept the Jewish world in a fever.
Most notorious of all of these was perhaps Zevi, who announced himself to be the Messiah in Smyrna in the year 1640. Wild frenzy possessed the Jewish communities. Shrewd business men in Amsterdam, Hamburg and Venice disposed of their possessions in order to be prepared for the hasty journey to the Holy Land.
Others subjected themselves to penance in order to be rendered worthy of redemption. In the meanwhile the `Messiah' was hamstrung by the Moslems, who gave him the usual choice, and Zabettai, no martyr, became a Mohammedan.
The colossal collapse of Zevi sent a crushed chill through the Jewries of Europe. They shrank like condemned men into their hovels. Only an ironclad religious particularism could save the Jew from the deep confusion and widening chaos which was engulfing him everywhere. To this he retreated.

"LIBERTY! FRATERNITY! EQUALITY!”
Two events conspired to put an end to the Ghetto. One was the discovery of America, releasing vast rich areas for settlement and exploitation. The other was the gradual dry rot which overtook the feudal era and its master, the totalitarian church.
Out of the ashes of this decaying order gradually developed a new force, the power of industrial capital. This new force immediately discovered itself in mortal opposition to the entire system of life the Medieval Era had erected, since it could only maintain itself by free competition and continuing consumer expansion, which meant the opening of new markets. The greater the competition among merchants and those who held the power to grant credit, the better would industry flourish.
THE WANDERING JEW
33
The Ghetto was one of the medieval corporations which had to go in the interest of a speedy evolution of capitalism. Though it continued in some cities into the modern era, its fate was sealed.
It was this young and growing industrial capitalism which was the great lever creating the modem democracies, and with them the emancipation of the Jews.
The new system soon developed a philosophy justifying itself, and fiery expounders of its tenets. "Liberty! Fraternity! Equality!" became the rallying cry of the day. Leading in the van of this movement, the French revolted and solemnly declared the principle of the inalienable Rights of Man.
The question arose as to whether this queer race of the Jews whose glorious past history was long forgotten, sunk in the torpor of religious formalism, was capable of supporting such enlightened ideas. Learned debates took place as to whether, if they were enfranchised, they could take their place in an organized secular society; whether they could become soldiers, manufacturers, artisans, professional men - in short, whether they were capable of competing in the civil society which was to be based on the new order. The atheist and liberator Voltaire considered them dangerous and incurable reactionaries, a source of religious superstition. Others like Tallyrand, Montesquieu and Mirabeau asserted that the Jew must be included in the new dispensation.
Almost coincident with these events the American Revolution exploded in the face of an archaic world and based its fundamental principles on the same Rights of Man. Soon thereafter the victorious young Napoleon was carrying the doctrines of the new belief along with his cannon and gun-powder and putting them into operation by force.
In this onrush of the Liberal spirit the Western Jew miraculously found the walls of the Judengasse 10 torn down. They fell before his eyes like the walls of Jericho, and he stood blinded and unaccustomed in the streaming sunlight. The inner glow which had made his world a place of happiness despite its drab cruelty was dimmed by the new glare.
Enthusiastically the Jews put themselves in line with this glorious theme of world brotherhood. For the first time the
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vernacular took the place of Hebrew in their daily life. The Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries were the age of Massentau f en (mass baptism). In Berlin alone it is said that over half the Jewish community was converted in the course of one year.
Early an attempt was made to meet this wholesale desertion of Judaism by creating a new and reformed liturgy and a new attitude towards Jewish destiny. Inaugurated in Germany, `Reform Judaism' quickly took shape as a creed. Jews who had formerly considered themselves expatriate Palestinians who would in the fullness of time be returned to their own country? began to refer to themselves in Germany as `Germans of Mosaic persuasion.' The question arose as in the emancipation in Holland, whether Jews were a nation or a religious cult. This was straddled at the Reform Conference at Brunswick in 1844 by Ludwig Philippson who declared: "Every nation has its historical mission and the Jews have theirs. They are a nation dedicated to religion." This new attitude soon spread among the Jews like a devouring flame. The fine old Jewish civilization had finally become a religious cult, separate from secular life, with an ordained pastorate and all the paraphernalia of that office.
The last step in this denationalization process, in which the Reform Rabbis led the procession, was the transformation into metaphor of the doctrines of Jewish nationalism for which the race had steadfastly held over so long a period. All that now remained of laws meant to control the social and economic interests of the Jews was dead ritual.
For a brief century the ideal of again making themselves an individual force in history sank into comparative insignificance and gave place to a desire to become adapted to environment.
Both the spirit and fact of Jewish history became falsified; and Jews endeavoring to win equal rights in every sphere of human activity began to frame both their thought and action with an eye to the opinion and point of view of others. As a living force with legitimate, healthy rights of its own, Judaism was discountenanced by Jews, who had transformed themselves into neo-gentiles?.
It survived only as an innocuous shadow.
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35
The inexorable forward movement of `toleration' hit its peak immediately after the World War. Palestine was seemingly returned to Jews who wished to go there. In the last strongholds of anti-Jewish reaction, minority clauses guaranteed by the nations of the world were put into operation. In Germany a Jew, Dr. Hugo Preuss, framed the Constitution of the Weimar Republic, hailed as the last word in justice and democracy.
Enthusiastically the Western Liberals and 'Assimilationists' went to the very point of denying the existence of a Jewish nation altogether. Learnedly they `proved' that a Jewish race could no longer possibly be in existence.
Had anyone told these enraptured Jews that the last strongholds of ignorance, meanness and tyranny would not yield but would instead reacquire a vitality and strategy capable of once more putting Liberalism desperately on the defensive, his only reply would have been a smile of pity and commiseration. How could they dream that the Germany of Mendelssohn and Lasker would become the Germany of Hitler and Goering; that throughout the civilized world the old blood libel, the old mass hysterias and slanders, the old in humaneness and cruelties, would
be revived with even increased force and viciousness. All of this was contrary to the rationale of the new order; hence it became schematically impossible.
While all this was happening, the torch of Jewish nationalism distorted and vitiated, but alive, spluttered among the masses still going about their daily tasks in the ghettos of East Europe.

'THE LOST TEN TRIBES'
In the wake of the irresistible Liberal sweep which was de-Judaizing the Jews, occurred a most remarkable phenomenon the Anglo-Saxon people, rising rapidly to world power, literally pitched themselves headlong at the same time into a Judaizing process.
Aroused by such magnetic personalities as Knox and Tyndale the British peoples retreated to creative Prophecy, to the stern and simple democracy of the Hebrew Bible. The Old Testament
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in particular was studied with impassioned thoroughness.
James Truslow Adams remarks that "Christ did indeed occupy a place in their [the Puritan] theology, but in spirit they may be considered Jews and not Christians. Their God was the God of the Old Testament, their laws were the laws of the Old Testament, their guides to conduct were the characters of the Old Testament."" "They baptized their children," writes Lord Macaulay, "by the names, not of Christian saints, but of Hebrew
patriarchs and warriors." 12 Even the old Saxon names, once household words, were condemned to oblivion .13 "Cromwell hath beat up his drums clean through the Old Testament," comments Cleveland. "You may know the genealogy of our Saviour by the names of his regiment.”
Every attitude of the aggressive young imperialism which the Anglo-Saxon was erecting became tinctured with Hebrew philosophy.
So completely was it absorbed that a large section of the English people began to look upon themselves as being actually descended from Israelites. A whole body of literature sprang into being claiming that the word British was derived from Brith and Ish of Hebrew, meaning `circumcised man,' and that the English were descended from the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel .14
This conviction on the part of a large part of the British public became so great that it resulted in the forming of `The British-Israel World Federation,' at one time claiming over five million members and including such eminent personages as Queen Victoria and King Edward VII.
The Hebraizing spirit attended other considerable sections of the Reformation though it was particularly at home with the Anglo-Saxon peoples, whose identification with Hebrew history and philosophy became so complete as to almost appropriate it for themselves. Lecky expressed this debt in the famous remark: "Hebraic mortar cemented the foundation of American Democracy!" In the same vein Ulysses S. Grant advised his countrymen to "hold fast to the Bible. It is the sheet-anchor of your liberties. . ." And Jean Paul bespoke his times when he
THE WANDERING JEW
37
declared that "the first leaf of the Mosaic record has more weight than all the folios of men of science and philosophies."
Protestant theology in particular, rested on the belief that the world of mankind was evolving towards a millennium in which holiness was to be triumphant everywhere, and that a primary prerequisite to this happy eventuality was the return of God's Chosen People, the Jews, to the Holy Land .15 Supporting their position with direct quotation from Biblical Prophecy, a large group of earnest men, divines, statesmen and writers, set themselves to be the instruments to speed this desired end. Specialized histories of the Jews gained wide circulation, and it was not long before the political emancipation of Zion became a lively topic in English politics.
By 1839 popular interest had become so intense that the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, after sending a special commission to the Holy Land to report on conditions there, addressed "A Memorandum to the Protestant Monarchs of Europe on the Subject of the Restoration of the Jewish People to the Land of Palestine." From this date onwards a pro-Jewish Palestinian discussion ran parallel in the London Times with the agitation over the Eastern question.
The Government, taking canny notice of this body of public feeling and being interested in the Near East on its own account, commenced to take a hand. With the entry of the murderous anti-Christian Mehemet Ali into Syria, the advocacy of Zionism became quietly identified with English foreign policy.
Interest mounted rapidly in all circles. The statesman Lord Shaftsbury became so absorbed in the project that he learned Hebrew. The colonization expert, Colonel George Gawler, devoted virtually all his time to this cause, firmly convinced that Jewish repatriation was a political desideratum for England, conveniently sanctioned by Holy Writ. A whole succession of English representatives in the Near East befriended the Jews and took an active interest in their cause. It became a ruling passion with such men as Laurence Oliphant and the archaeologist Conger.
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A mountain of literature and a whirlpool of activity had by now been brought to bear on the matter. All these writers and orators pointed out the desolate, empty, semi-savage condition of the country. Various associations were formed to agitate the cause and monster mass-meetings were held. English statesmen such as Sir Samuel Montague guaranteed publicly that "not only will the Jews be assisted in colonizing Palestine, but practical? shape will be given to their aspiration for the restoration of the Jewish Kingdom.”
While the interest in the fate of the Jews was most spectacular and deep-seated in Britain, manifestations of it were evident everywhere.
In France, Joseph Salvador called for the assembling of a European
Congress to restore the Holy Land. Here, too, Henri Dun ant, founder of the Red Cross and author of the Geneva Conventions, was an ardent Zionist. Napoleon also is said to have contemplated the restoration of Palestine to the Jews. This is reported to have been one of the objects of his ill-fated adventure in Egypt and the Near East.
In America the second president of the United States, John Adams, announced himself an ardent Zionist who "really wished the Jews again in Judea, an independent nation . . ." The lively sympathy for Hebrew resettlement is shown also by the petition to President Benjamin Harrison submitted by Dr. Wm. Blackstone, Chairman of the Conference of Christians and Jews, in 1891. Signed by an imposing list of the greatest names in America, clergymen, corporation presidents and public officials, it offered an elaborate plan for Jewish colonization, declaring that
"not for twenty-four centuries since the days of Cyrus, King of Persia, has there been offered to any mortal such a privileged opportunity to further the purposes of God concerning his ancient people."
By 1914 a powerful non-Jewish public opinion, favoring the enterprise as a rational historical development existed everywhere.
In England itself, long habituation to this program as well as what appeared to be obvious self-interest had committed British policy to it.

THE WANDERING JEW
REAWAKENING HEBREW CONSCIOUSNESS
As unaware of all this as if it had taken place on Mars, a wholly independent movement began stirring in the Hebrew ghettos.
As early as 1857 the Hungarian Rabbi Yehuda Alkalai suggested the purchase of Palestine by a company to be formed for that purpose, and in 1864 Professor Heinrich Graetz demanded a Zionist solution for the problems confronting the Jewish race.
Others like the writers Hess, Kalisher and Smolenskin began to voice articulate opinions.
In 1882 Leon Pinsker issued his volume Auto-Emancipation in which he demanded that the Jews redeem themselves by their own self-will. Like a lone tragic eagle, Pinsker gazed with tortured sympathy at the misery of his people. Appalled at their apathy and wretchedness he wrote: "Among the living nations of the earth the Jews occupy the position of a nation long since dead. With the loss of their fatherland, the Jewish people lost their independence and fell into a decay which is not compatible with existence as a whole vital organism. The State was crushed before the eyes of the nations, but after the Jewish people had yielded up their existence as an actual State, as a political entity, they could not nevertheless submit to total destruction – they did not cease to exist spiritually as a nation. The world saw in this people the uncanny form of one of the dead walking among the living. The ghostlike apparition of a people without unity or organization, without land or other bond of union, no longer alive, and yet moving about among the living, this eerie form scarcely paralleled in history, unlike anything that preceded or
followed it, could not fail to make a strange, peculiar impression upon the imagination of the nations."
Finally fired by the atrocious pogroms that were taking place in South Russia a group of intellectuals formed the Chovevi Zion Society 16 which soon attempted practical work in the direction of a resettlement in the Old Land.
Jewry which had been gazing on all these vague gropings with tolerant amusement, living like a drugged man on promises of a new world order where men would live like gods, was jolted from
39
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this fantasy by two startling events. The first of these had been the arrest, torture and conviction of the leading Jewish notables in the city of Damascus, Syria, on a charge of having murdered a local friar for blood ritual purposes. The whole Jewish community was terrorized, with the agreement and connivance of the English and French consuls, who stated their belief that the ritual murder charge was historically proven.
In France, the very center of enlightenment, after a long barrage of anti-Semitic incitement, the Jewish officer Dreyfus was railroaded by a secret military tribunal in 1894, degraded and condemned to penal servitude for life for alleged treason. Everywhere press and populace placed the stigma on the entire Jewish community, with the weight of the Government thrown behind a deliberate persecution of those attempting to prove the unfortunate man's innocence. It soon became so apparent that the whole case was a deliberate frame-up that the ensuing hubbub forced the authorities to retry the Jewish officer some four years later, when, under farcical circumstances, he was once more sentenced to Devil's Island.
The doughty novelist, Zola, risked his career by issuing the famous J'Accuse, exposing the outrageous nature of this affair.
Arrested, he fled to England where he went into hiding.
After an agitation which convulsed the entire civilized world, Dreyfus, who had been kept in an iron cage on the Island, was pardoned, still un-vindicated.
The anti-Semitic movement now grew with marvelous rapidity, confounding every theory of the educators, who had held such? a result impossible. Jewry once more began to seek communion with its own organic forces. The desire for a specifically Hebrew cultural scheme in which they could live their lives out, began to arise in the minds of the unhappy creatures groping their way around tortured ghetto paths.
HERZL - Sitting quietly in the press galleries during the second Dreyfus trial was a young Viennese journalist named Theodore Herzl .17
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A thoroughly Westernized Jew who accepted the Enlightenment as a matter of course, he suddenly saw the Jewish problem outlined stark naked. Returning to Vienna, his head full of the question, all unaware that anyone had ever written on this subject before, he penned his pamphlet The Jewish State."'
Friends, de-Judaized like himself, to whom he enunciated these `revolutionary ideas,' counseled that he had been working too hard and urged him to see the great brain specialist Max Nordau, which nothing daunted, Herzl did.
One of the journalist's friends inquired anxiously of Nordau after the visit: "What do you make of him?"
"Well," said Nordau thoughtfully, "it is of course quite possible that he is crazy - but if he is, so am I, because I agree with him.)l
Tall, majestic, handsome, looking like an Assyrian god who had stepped down from an old frieze, the magnetic personality of this figure suddenly galvanized the incoherent movement into action. Until then Zionism had been resting upon a vague cultural-settlement base, with no definite scheme of control.
The great difference between Herzl's viewpoint and that of his immediate predecessors was his pointblank insistence on political guarantees before a single other step was taken. Claimed this new master: ". . . the solution of the Jewish difficulty is the recognition of the Jews as a People, and the finding by them of a legally recognized home to which Jews in those parts of the world in which they are oppressed would naturally migrate, for they would arrive there as citizens just because they were Jews, and not as aliens." With prophetic insight Herzl insisted on complete political guarantees. He wrote: "An infiltration is bound to end in disaster. It continues until the inevitable moment when the native population feels itself crushed, and forces the Government to stop the further influx of Jews. Immigration is consequently futile unless based on an assured supremacy.”
His a priori demand was for "sovereignty over a tract of the earth's surface that is adequate for our rightful needs as a nation.”
There was something almost omniscient in the man's ability to peer into the curtained future. In a letter to the Rothschild's at
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Vienna he pointed out that the Liberal governments of Europe, apparently so firmly established in the prosperity of those days, were not to last. They would fall and would be replaced by tyrants, either royal or popular, who would be worse than the aristocracies whom the parliamentary governments had displaced .19 It took less than forty years for this prophecy to come true.
At the first Zionist Congress he predicted that the Jewish problem would inevitably be turned into the problem of Zion. "We are laying the cornerstone," he declared, "for an edifice that will house the entire Jewish nation.”
On all sides the storm of opposition mounted like a rising hurricane.
Assimilationist rabbis thundered against him in their pulpits.
The Jews of Germany, where he proposed to hold his first Congress, gazed on the man as a dangerous lunatic, so the historic Congress was held in Basle instead. But he had gotten the ear of the crushed Jewish masses and had touched their imaginations as no figure had since the ill-fated messiah Zevi.
Abused and ridiculed as few men have been in history, Herzl continued with his plan to attempt the purchase of Palestine, and to form a chartered company which was to control and direct the resettlement. He finally received an audience with the Sultan, who placed an itching palm on the table? The Zionist leader went out to find ways of covering it.
Jewish millionaires might have easily provided the 410,000,000 demanded by Abdul Hamid for a concession in Palestine, but they shied away from the idea. Herzl, hat in hand like a petitioner, presented his plan to the philanthropist Baron de Hirsch.
The great man listened benevolently and finally said: "Herr Herzl, I observe that you are an intelligent man - but you have such fantastic ideas.”
In vain Herzl cajoled and pleaded: he could not rise the money; and in the meanwhile the `Young Turks' made an end to Abdul Hamid and the Palestine negotiations together.
On the pulse of these events the British kept practiced and interested fingers. When Herzl came to London he found to his amazement that English public opinion, joined by a government
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43
whose interests were coincidental to this scheme of development?
had created ready-made for him a galaxy of famous and influential supporters. Powerful organs such as the Daily Chronicle and Pall Mall Gazette were demanding the fulfillment of the Zionist program and calling for a conference of the Powers to consider it.
Herzl had already appeared at the sittings of the Royal Commission on Alien Immigration. Given the honor of being the first witness on the problem of Jewish homelessness and immigration, he had been questioned closely by the Commission for an exact definition of what was meant by Zionism. He replied with his usual straightforwardness that it meant the establishment of a Jewish State under absolute guarantees of political control, and nothing else.
The British now took a direct hand and offered the territory of Uganda in West Africa on a full autonomous basis under chartered rights, "a recognition," states the official British Peace Handbook No. 162, "that Herzl and his following were regarded seriously in serious quarters." Supporting the Government in this well-intentioned offer was a young   M. P. named Arthur James Balfour.
But the Russian Zionists rebelled; and at the next Congress the whole Uganda scheme was thrown out. It was Palestine or nothing. 20
Within the Zionist movement itself various schisms began to develop. The widest of these, was that of the so-called Practical Zionists who derived from the old Chovevi Zion Society. They were bitterly opposed to Herzl's policy, were uninterested in political guarantees, and stressed `cultural' and `practical' work.
One of their rising stars was the young chemist Chaim Weitzman.
Their leader was Achad Ha'am, a little pinch-faced man with a goatee and the eye of an ascetic.
Achad Ha'am represented all that his arch-enemy Herzl would never understand in his lifetime. He was born in a little village in the Pale and was brought up in an ultra-orthodox home where secular knowledge was tabu. He literally concentrated on the Talmud, and his knowledge of that book became so great that
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local rabbis would come to consult him when he was still in his early teens. He was a typical hair-splitter in words, the personified ideal of the spirit of philosophic dialecticism in the flesh.
He considered all `political' Zionists to be barbarians. "What we lack," he wrote, "is a fixed spot to serve as a national spiritual center, a safe retreat, not for Jews, but for Judaism . . . The foundation of a single great school," he insisted, "of learning or art in Palestine . . . would be, to my mind, a national work of the highest import and would do more to bring us near to our goal than a hundred agricultural colonies.”
Fanatically understood by the queer type of scholastic whose soul he interpreted, Achad Ha'am, if influence counts, was the most potent of all the modern Zionist forces. Belittling Herzl as a wild dreamer, his influence began to be apparent after the Tatter's death, and finally triumphed. He was an extremist who could care much for idea and little for men, a product and consequence of that tragic pariah world into which the gentiles had sequestered Jehovah's people.
Herzl saw what Achad Ha'am did not - what, indeed, he was incapable of seeing -that a free and living culture is not the source but the outcome of an organized and stable life, and that this contemptuous attitude towards political control could only end in one more ghettos - this time in Palestine.
It is the Hebrew tragedy that the manly Herzl should have died young and the visionary Ha'am should have lived to a ripe old age. On July 3, 1904, harassed and worn, the incomparable leader suddenly sickened and died. He was then only forty-four years old.
The Zionist movement had already begun to be encumbered with ideological contentions, and factions of various descriptions. Its leadership fell in the hands of minor worthies, followers for the most part of Achad Ha'am, who talked in learned? circumlocutory motions and all but smothered in the mantle they had inherited. Even so, carried along by its own irresistible momentum, Zionism continued to grow rapidly.

CHAPTER IV
THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
TOPOGRAPHY
The name `Palestine' occurs for the first time in Herodotus.
Like its Hebrew equivalent, Pelesheth (Land of Wanderers), it meant only Philistia. At first applied to a small section of the coast it later spread to encompass the entire country. Until the resurgent Zionist movement brought this area into the sphere of world politics its identity was largely interchangeable with that of Syria,' a generic term used to describe the entire region of Asia Minor but later contracted to cover the confines of Palestine and the block of territory immediately to the north of it.
With proprietary determination the Jew has always referred to his homeland as Eretz Israel, The Land of Israel.' The Arabs call it Esh-Sher (the Land to the Left) since it represented the northernmost limit of their natural range.
By and large, this territory must be accounted one of the most stirringly beautiful and, certainly, one of the most remarkable countries on the face of Mother Earth. It is not to be wondered by those who have seen it that "some of the finest visions of the true age of reason has been penned within its borders." 2
Here in matchless beauty can be found every climate from tropical to sub-alpine, and a bewildering variety of flora and fauna to match - all in a half hour's ride. It is possible to pass through four different zones, from the scotch fir in the hill country down to the date palm growing in its native soil on the plains of Jordan.
The valley of the Dead Sea, sultry and depressing, lays thirteen hundred feet below the level of the Mediterranean. From this strange salt lake, almost visible to the naked eye is Jerusalem, twenty-six hundred feet above sea level, where in the sparkling night air one feels as if he could reach up and touch the cold white stars. In the north the country rises precipitously to a height of
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nine thousand feet above the ocean calmly sunning itself below, and becomes alpine. On the central range, snow has been known to reach a depth of nearly two feet. This explains the feat of Benaiah who went down and slew a lion in the midst of a cistern in the day o f the snow. The beast had strayed up the Judean hills from Jordan and had been caught in a sudden storm.
A fertile plain fronts the Mediterranean for the entire length of the country except where rugged Carmel reaches down to the shore. East of this plain, finally giving way to the mountains of Judea, lie rolling foothills studded with rich valleys. South of Jerusalem this range gradually fades into a forbidding sandy waste of desert, what is left of ancient Edom, glowering in the hot sun. In the north, the historic valley of Esdraelon, ancient highway between the great land masses of Asia and Africa, splits
the mountain range which spreads across Palestine from Haifa to Jordan.

In an area but little larger than Vermont this endless variety of view seems almost theatrical. No other country can begin to match it. None has a valley like that deep gash called the Ghor, where bananas droop like lolling odalesques in the shimmering heat; nor a roll of iridescent desert like that which falls from the multi-colored rocks of Judea to the opal shores of the Dead Sea.
Yet in these neighboring hills the climate is so temperate that first rate apples may be grown; and on the hottest days the nights are cool enough to sleep under blankets.
The climate is divided roughly into a rainy and dry season, with a short period of scorching desert winds called the Humseen.
The rain falling in the three winter months becomes a deluge.
Wild flowers follow each other in stunning confusion. Glittering like precious gems, anemone, crocus, poppy, wild mignonette, oleander and narcissus sparkle in the sun just as they must have once delighted the Hebrew women in the old days.
Overhead, birds of all kinds make the air gay with their limpid notes. Whole hosts of harmless lizards of every color dart like small genii across the banks of hedge and sward. In the wilderness are tiny gazelles who look as if they had been painted on the landscape. It is claimed that there are still wolves, hyenas and

THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
47
jackals in the hills. Tristram speaks of foxes near Nablus; 3 and a crocodile is said to have been caught in the River Zerka as late as the year 1902.
Beyond this eloquent native beauty, which the hand of barbarian man is not powerful enough to destroy, the country has been stripped and starved. In parts it is a veritable carcass of a land.
Travelers gazing on Palestine for the first time, aghast at its stony hills and deserted valleys, invariably exclaim: "Can this unflavored country be indeed the Land of Promise, the land flowing with milk and honey? "
The great oak forests of Gilead, Bashan and Lebanon are gone, as are the groves of the Jordan Valley and the date palms of the maritime plain. The Hebrew laughter which once came down from the hills lives only in echo. These hills, once covered to their tops with cornfields and vineyards are dead. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that while for miles and miles there is no appearance of life or habitation in the hills of Judea except an
occasional goatherd, there is hardly a hilltop of the many within sight which is not covered by the vestiges of some fortress or city of former ages. Where now only forbidding rocks greet the eye, the soil on their steep sides was once held securely in place by ingeniously devised terraces.
The indescribably wild state of the country, before the Zionists came, is pictured graphically in the chronicles of the last century.
Some of the descriptions given are almost unbelievable. Churton
refers to the plain between Jerusalem and Jordan as "bare as a desert." 4 Walpole exclaims: "On my road I saw six ruined towns and only six living persons." s Mark Twain called it "a hopeless, dreary, heartbroken land . . . inherited only by birds of prey and skulking foxes." 6 And that staunch believer in Prophecy, the Rev. A. G. H. Hollingsworth, wept that "here is
one of the most remarkable and best situated countries in the world, without a population, without resources, without commerce." 7
West of the Jordan even the surface ruins of cities have been obliterated. Only the bare remnants of the once extensive He
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brew irrigation works crumbling on the hillsides; remain to remind the traveler that once this country was populated by a civilized people. Standing on the Moab hills and looking east, one can see nothing but a tired, worn country, as naked of signs of life as mid-ocean. In Old Testament times it included the fruitful lands of Moab, Gilead and Bashan. That this vast region was then one of the most fertile and populous on the globe is amply proven by the multitude of ruins which dot its surface at the present day. From a single outlook Merrill counted as many as forty ruined cities and towns.8 Buckingham described "ruined
towns in every direction, both before, behind, and on every side of us. . . There was not a tree in sight as far as the eye could reach." 9
Even in early Christian centuries Trans-Jordan * was so thickly settled as to be honored with the seat of a bishopric. Many Greeks drifted in and settled among the Syrian and Roman elements.
After the Fourth Century, the Bedouin Arab inundated the country and left it a wilderness again, as it remains today.
The tumbling remains of fine marble baths, great columns, and evidences
of a cultivated life now hushed in death, are looked upon by the Arab with uncomprehending eye. Merrill, with the hurt conscience of a great archaeologist, complained bitterly that these aboriginals were wantonly smashing the famous ruins.
At Jerash alone are remains unexcelled by the best antiquities of northern Damascus. Throughout the length and breadth of the land these relics may be seen, the names of many of them forgotten. Polla, overlooking the Jordan, once a great city with castle, colonnades and mausoleums, is now distinguished by only a few pillars.
Today the very names of these places are forgotten. The Bedu 10 herd their sheep in these deserted courts and make their rude beds of grass among their stones. They extract the same blackmail, and if it is withheld, sweep off the harvests in the same time-sanctified retaliation. Their frail houses of hair had been * Trans-Jordan, the territory of the Jewish National Home lying east of the River Jordan (so designated to distinguish it from Cis-Jordan, the area lying west of the River Jordan) was later detached by the British as a separate administrative area under the name of `Transjordan:
THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
49
there four thousand years before, and are there again today unchanged.
The whole of Eastern Palestine is incomparably more fertile and better watered than the western third of the country. Draining it is a number of large rivers, fed by innumerable springs, filled with fishes and other aquatic life.
Travelers glowingly describe its rich soil and natural beauty.
Irby and Mangles mention "the vast variety of natural flora; and downs with verdure so thick as to appear almost turf." 11 Lord Lindsay declares that "the whole of the country . . . on the east of the Jordan . . . is fertile in the extreme." 12 And Merrill comments that he has seen men on the plains of Gilead "turning furrows which were nearly a mile in length, and as straight as one could draw a line.”
This whole area across Jordan is one of the most favored territories on the earth. It only awaits the coming of an energetic and intelligent race to become again everything that it was in the past.

JEWISH PRE-WAR SETTLEMENTS
Historians agree that there has been no period since the time of Joshua when there has not been Jews in Palestine. If length of continuous settlement makes the case, Jewish residence of some 4400 years vastly overshadows any rival claim which can be offered.
The oldest identifiable community whose continuing record can be established are the Jews of Pekiin, a village in the hills of upper Galilee near Safed, a group which has not moved in two thousand years. This settlement is referred to in the Talmud under the name of Tekoa, and then reappears more than a thousand years later in the narrative of an early Sixteenth Century traveler.
At Bukeia in the mountains is another ancient community of Jews who claim to be descended from Israelites living there before the Dispersion; and the Samaritans at Sechem are known to have been there since the days of Nehemiah.
All through the Dispersion, Jews sought to return to their
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homeland. They trickled in from all directions after each catastrophe in the Diaspora. Most of them succumbed to massacre, forced conversion and disease. The rest were turned into broken spirited men whose cowed eyes became hypnotized by mere liturgical devotions.
The first practical steps for modern colonization were taken in Russia where Zionism was growing rapidly. About 1880, a group of students, mostly from the University of Odessa, formed a group called `Bilu.' 13 They took oath to renounce their studies and to devote their lives working at common labor for the reconstruction of the Land of Israel.
Students with soft white hands and determined wills, began to arrive in small groups. The great-hearted Englishman, Oliphant, his head full of idyllic schemes for buying the country from the Sultan, found a number of them stranded in Galilee. He helped they found what is now the prosperous colony of Zichron Jacob, near Haifa. Through him, also, the aid of the philanthropist Baron Edmund de Rothschild was enlisted for the struggling cause.
Soon at Petach Tikvah a thriving agricultural colony was established.
Jewish resettlement had begun in dead earnest.
By 1883, three thousand of these hardy dreamers had landed in Jaffa.
Progress continued quietly and steadily. Arabs attracted by the magnetizing vitality of the returning Jew began to drift in from impoverished Syria, from Egypt, and from the desert wastes.
Palestine was making enormous strides. As far back as 1900; a British consular report recognized that "there can be no doubt that the establishment of the Jewish colonies in Palestine has brought about a great change in the aspect of that country”; and in 1904 another consular report reiterates that "the Jewish element is spreading all over Palestine and represents today the most enterprising part of the population."
Exports from the port of Jaffa had jumped to 682,000 in 1911, from C 264,000 in 1900.* A Blue Book issued by the British Board of Trade in 1911 acknowledges that "the chief feature * The Palestine Pound is worth approximately the same as the English Pound Sterling -or about $5.00 in American money.
THE JEWEL OF THE MEDITERRANEAN
51
of the economic development of Palestine in the past year was the Jewish immigration."
By 1914 the Jews had increased to over 100,000. There were now fifty-four agricultural colonies, with a total area of 110,000 acres. New land was being rapidly purchased, garden suburbs laid out. The all-Jewish city of Tel Aviv was growing out of its swaddling clothes. The pace of building was feverish. A great new wave of immigration was gaining momentum. Zionism had seemingly won its battle and was about to cash in on its
investment of blood, courage, lives and money.
The official British Peace Handbook on Zionism thus describes the settlements: "The Jewish agricultural colonies, which have grown up during the past 25 years, show a level of agricultural and scientific development far ahead of anything else in Palestine . . . The colonies are inhabited by strong and healthy agriculturists living in clean, well-built houses and possessing a high degree of commercial and political organization as well as a distinctive social life. . . The children think and talk in Hebrew, and all the colonists possess the newly acquired national consciousness. . . "
So stood the Jewish effort at reclaiming their homeland, at the beginning of the World War, when they wholeheartedly threw their destiny into the balance with that of the Allies. They had already achieved a solid foundation for a sound national economy.
Soon they were to have the solemn promise of the nations for a charter which would finally end the tragedy of Jewish homelessness.

CHAPTER
CHAPTER V
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION - PALESTINE AND THE WAR
Indirectly, the World War was fought for possession of the Near East. The natural route for expansion of the mushrooming industrial growths of Europe lay in the direction of the great sluggish masses of Asia where vast consumer needs and untapped natural riches excited the cupidity of Europe's imperialists.
All great conquerors whose interest was divided between East and West have considered the possession of the land bridge between the Mediterranean and the Euphrates essential to their security. Assyria and Egypt spilled out their life blood for it.
It was pivotal to the empires of Macedon and Rome. Napoleon made a desperate bid for it when his ambitious eyes stretched longingly toward the rich mysterious East. It was the `Near East Question' which lay at the bottom of the plotting and maneuvering that led to the Balkan and Crimean Wars.
Here Great Britain, Russia, Germany and France engaged in a sometimes open, sometimes hidden, struggle for the most important intercontinental routes of this planet, and with them, world power and influence.
Britain was aiming at complete domination of Asia. She already held fabulously rich India by the throat. Her interests in China, and in lesser countries, had grown to gigantic proportions.
The only formidable competitor who developed during this period was Germany whose great commercial barons were now looking at the wealthy East with scarcely concealed appetite.
The Kaiser and his entourage realized that here was the path to power. Moreover, it was here that they considered Britain to be vulnerable. The whole course of German policy centered around the Drang nach Osten (Drive to the East), whose undeclared objective was to cut the lifelines of British communications with India and the East. Berlin had already established a
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THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
53
clear pathway through the Balkans. The dying Turkish Empire was flooded with German generals, engineers, diplomats and agents. "The Baghdad Railway was pushing rapidly down towards Mesopotamia. When it got to the Tigris and Euphrates, it would proceed to Basra, and thence, somehow, to Karachi and Calcutta and Delhi. Everyone in Whitehall and in The City knew that, and knew what it would mean." 1
Here was the most potent threat the British Empire had faced in generations. If the German plans were allowed to come to a head, the Reich would be in an infinitely better position to deal commercially in the East than Britain who held the paramount political position. It would mean whopping big orders for German goods of all kinds, from steel down to knickknacks. It would present the threat of a half million Teuton warriors who could be transported within a matter of days by train from Berlin to the very gates of India.
It was imperative to British strategy that the German drive to the East be halted at the gateway of the Asiatic continent. It was apparent that Great Britain must control the Near East if her Empire was to survive. Like two great patient cats England and Germany watched each other, unspoken challenge, suspicion and hate staring from their eyes. Another predatory creature, the Russian bear, as well as minor scavengers, stood by. The
two feline antagonists had stalked each other for a decade, tensely
awaiting der Tag, when the fight was unexpectedly precipitated by the explosion at Sarajevo which signaled the outbreak of the World War.
Though the primary struggle was between the rival economic ambitions of the English and Germans, the French too had their eye on this strategic sector. In March 1915, Paris made a claim for the ultimate control of all Syria including Palestine. In November 1915, M. Picot again insisted that the whole of Syria down to the Egyptian frontier must be assigned to France. Finally in May of 1916, a secret agreement was concluded known as the Sykes-Picot Agreement, dividing up the spoils of the `war for
democracy' in advance. Under this agreement Palestine was to be made International, with the exception of Haifa and neighboring Acre,
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which were to go to England. The entire Mediterranean littoral was to go to France, whose influence was also to be paramount in Damascus, Aleppo and Mosul.
From 1788 till 1914, Great Britain had fought some twenty wars to keep the route to India open. Now for this identical reason, to put a complete end to the German Drang nach Osten, she was fighting the Great War with Germany. With farsighted suspicion she saw the friend of today as the enemy of tomorrow, and looked askance at France and the French demands. Anxiously the British Foreign Office began casting its eyes around for some plausible method to forestall the ambition of it’s powerful ally.

EVENTS LEADING TO LORD BALFOUR'S COMMITMENT
By the autumn of 1917, after a startling attack by the Turks on the Suez Canal, a wholly new idea had taken possession of the minds of politicians and strategists. It was obvious that a protective bastion had to be created to buttress the artery of communications with India. Such a plan made necessary absolute possession of the Palestinian coast as well as the Judean hills that command it. Now, reasoned Britain's strategists, would be an auspicious time to revive the old Palestine. In this way, instead
of the proverbial two birds who were killed with one stone, a miracle could be maneuvered to make it three. First, an end would be put to French pretensions to control over this vital area. Scarcely less important, the enthusiastic support of the Jews all over the world to the Allied cause could be gained. And still a third factor, not to be overlooked, was the poverty of Judea and the surrounding desert. If the Jews would undertake to form a country here and would invest the necessary money, Britain would achieve every result it hoped for; and this ideal fortress for the imperial lifeline, being self-supporting, would not cost the Royal Exchequer a penny.
All this sounded too good to be true, and the Government began putting out feelers to see if it could be finagled through. So
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
55
potent, in fact, did this new policy appear that already on November 22, 1915 a leading article in the Manchester Guardian stated that Palestine must be created as a Jewish Nation to act as a buffer state for Egypt, and concluded quite seriously that "on the realization of that condition depends the whole future of the British Empire as a sea empire.”
From a purely military viewpoint, the friends of this idea in Britain urged that "the only possible colonists of Palestine were the Jews." Only they could build up in the Mediterranean a new dominion associated with Britain from the outset in Imperial work, at once a protection against the alien East and a mediator between it and England .3
Still other factors of pressing importance were at work. Lloyd George, wartime Prime Minister, was anxious to bring over the United States to the Allied side and was attempting to make good on the propaganda that the War was fought for democracy and for the righting of old wrongs. There was also the fear that Germany itself would declare for Zionism. The German Government was fully alive to the importance of rallying Jewish opinion to her side. It was suspected that the Kaiser was thinking of following Napoleon's example in his Eastern campaign. The German
ruler had once declared to Herzl, when the two met in Palestine, that he was willing to undertake the `mandate' for the Zionist settlement in Palestine if Turkey would agree .4 News reached the British Foreign Office that Baron Rosen, German Ambassador to the Hague, had been in conference with leading Dutch Jews.
Aside from specifically British questions of policy, the hard-pressed Allied spokesmen were poignantly aware of the instability of their ally Russia, in whose army six hundred thousand Jews were serving, men who were fighting for a government they hated, and whose success could mean nothing but degradation for them and their families. The Allies were aware that the propaganda bureau of the Central Powers was exploiting this fact for all it was worth. Daily, proclamations were scattered over
the Eastern battlefront informing Jews that German victory
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meant liberty for them; s and in all neutral countries adroit advantage was being taken of the propaganda story which set the Kaiser's legions up as crusaders in a war of liberation.
Thus in a large sense the alliance of the Western Powers with Russia was a direct liability, souring any sympathy either Jews or Liberals might have had for their cause. This the declaration for a Jewish commonwealth was designed to correct. Said the British Foreign Office at the time: "The persecuting Governments became our friends, and Palestine was a most important factor in the war policy of the Allies." 6
Among the details is a significant aide-memoirs by the British Embassy in Petrograd to Sazanov, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, on March 13, 1916, reading ". . . Although as is known, many Jews are indifferent to the
idea of Zionism, yet a numerous, and the most influential, part of Jewry in all the countries would very much appreciate an offer of agreement concerning Palestine which would completely satisfy the aspiration o f the Jews.
"If the above view is correct, then it is clear that by utilizing the Zionist idea important political results can be achieved.
Among them will be the conversion, in favor of the Allies, of Jewish elements in the Orient, in the United States, and in other places, elements whose attitude at the present time is to a considerable extent opposed to the Allies' cause.
". . . The only purpose of H. M. Government is to find some arrangement, sufficiently attractive to the majority of the Jews, which might facilitate the conclusion of an agreement ensuring the Jewish support."
The rumors that Germany was attempting to get Turkey's consent to some sort of pro-Zionist declaration crackled along the grapevine route. President Wilson, raised on Bible Prophecy, allowed it to be known in London that he would welcome a British pronouncement in favor of the Zionists.
When the inevitable happened and the great Russian bear began to collapse, the question of an alliance with Jewry took on even greater importance. Jewish influence in Russia was supposed to be considerable. Jews were playing a prominent part
THE BALFOUR DECLARATION
57
in the revolution - but they were greatly divided. "Some were for peace at any price, some for the maintenance of the alliance with the Western Powers; many were utterly uninterested in Zionism and had found a messiah in Karl Marx . . ." 7 But the great bulk of the Russian Jews were known to be Zionists; and with calculating eye the British computed that the alliance with Jewry might have permanent value. Zionism became an important political issue.
Negotiations were instituted with the Jewish leaders to sound them out on this pressing subject and to determine their demands.
By February 1917 the way had been prepared for a formal meeting
with Sir Mark Sykes of the British Foreign Office. Soon after, Mr. . Nahum Sokolov, representative of the Zionist Organization, opened discussion with the French and Italian Governments.
In July the Zionists submitted a memorandum to the British Cabinet suggesting the formula to be used in an official pronouncement of sympathy for their cause.

STRUGGLE WITH THE NON-ZIONISTS
If the purposes and aims of the Zionist movement needed clarification in anyone's mind, a circumstance at once occurred supplying that deficiency. The intentions of the Government were no sooner manifest than a loud and violent protest was set up by certain classes of Jews in England, France and America.
Among them were the `new thinkers' who, enveloped in a cloud of Marxist pharisaism, saw the projected return to Zion as a reactionary
movement which violated their `deep Socialist convictions.'
Others were the great capitalists, who were afraid that any declaration in favor of a Jewish State might place their hard-won social position in jeopardy. Included in this strange gathering of the clans were the ultra orthodox fanatics who were awaiting the divine Messiah; and the Reform Rabbis whose tissue-paper houses this new movement seemed destined to destroy.
The Conjoint Committee, the most influential of all Jewish bodies in England, issued a public attack on the `political character’
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of the Zionist demands, asserting that the Jews were only a religious community and not a nation. "The granting of a charter for Palestine to the Jews," it declared heatedly, "would be a disaster for all Jewry, since the equal status of the Jews with the other citizens of different States would thereby be risked.”
Immediately the Zionists replied with vigor. The press of the day was full of the argument, with' the Government and the entire gentile world solidly on the pro-Zionist side .8
"Under the pressure of Allied needs," says the official British historian at the subsequent Peace Conference, "the objections of the anti-Zionists were either overruled or the causes of objections removed. . ." s At that time the Zionists could have practically written their own ticket, since there was no subject on which everyone but the Jews themselves were so unanimously agreed as the matter of a pro-Zionist declaration. The only powerful opponent of this course in the Government was the India Office,
ultra-Islamic under a Jewish Secretary of State.
Although the members of the Conjoint Committee had been hopelessly buried under an avalanche of public ridicule, certain changes were made in the wording of the Declaration to placate them.
As early as October 19 16, the Zionist leaders in Britain had already submitted to the Government a formal "program for a new administration of Palestine and for, a Jewish resettlement in accordance
with the aspirations of the Zionist movement.”
On February 7, 1917, Sir Mark Sykes communicated with Weitzman and Sokolov, together with M. Georges Picot, representing the French Government." This was the first of a series of round-table conferences. Its full minutes, as well as those of subsequent sessions, were transmitted to the American Zionist Organization by officials of the British War Office.
Throughout the negotiations President Wilson who, as early as 1911 had made known his profound interest in the Zionist idea, was intimately consulted; and all drafts of the proposed Declaration were submitted to the White House for approval.
The formula accepted in July 1917 by the British Cabinet read: "H. M. Government, after considering the aims of the

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Zionist Organization, accepts the principle of recognizing Palestine as the National Home of the Jewish people, and the right of the Jewish people to build up its national life in Palestine under a protection to be established at the conclusion of peace, following upon the successful issue of the War.
"H. M. Government regards as essential for the realization of this principle, the grant of internal autonomy to Palestine, freedom of immigration for Jews, and the establishment of a Jewish National Colonizing Corporation for the resettlement and economic development of the country.
"The conditions and forms of the internal autonomy and a charter for the Jewish National Colonizing Corporation should, in the view of H. M. Government, be elaborated in detail and determined with the representatives of the Zionist Organization." 11
One of the changes introduced to mollify the anti-Zionist Jews was the substitution of the phrase "the establishment of a Jewish National Home in Palestine" for the previous wording, "the establishment of the Jewish National Home in Palestine." 12
By November 2, 1917, after its wording had been sufficiently
emasculated to suit the `ideals' of Jews all around, Lord Balfour placed it in the form of a letter to the pro-Zionist, Lord Rothschild, reading as follows:
"I have much pleasure in conveying to you on behalf of His Majesty's Government the following declaration of sympathy with the Jewish Zionist aspirations, which has been submitted to and approved by the Cabinet.
"His Majesty's Government view with favor the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.
"I should be grateful if you would bring this Declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation.”
Ironically enough, the second part of the Declaration, which was since construed by Britain to make it a self-annulling document,
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was inserted on the insistence of the Zionists themselves, partly to meet the objections of Sir Philip Magnus, Mr. . Claude Montefiore and other powerful non-Zionist Jews; and partly as a symbol of that "nobility of social vision" with which the strangled ghetto mind was obscured. 13
Written by Achad Ha'am, this proviso was not in any remote sense considered as a modification of the Declaration but rather as a polite sop to quiet the fears of the non-Zionist Jews, and an equally considerate makeweight assurance to the various religious communities scattered over the Holy Land.
All of these alterations and changes in the British Government's
commitment, says Herbert Sidebotham, then secretary to Premier Lloyd George, "were inserted in deference to the opinion of a minority, in the hope of securing complete unanimity among Jews . . . It was certainly no British interest, either at this stage or later, that weakened the scope of the promise and infected it with ambiguity." 14
The Zionist negotiators, naive and inexperienced, felt that the introduction of these nice, virtuous phrases in their magna carat was a fitting and seemly gesture with which to begin their great adventure. Herzl, who had the gift of seeing beyond his nose, would have known better.

WHAT DID THE DECLARATION MEAN?
In view of the cool disclaimers which were to come later, it is interesting to note what interpretation was placed on the British Government's Declaration to the Jews at the time. Whatever bearing it might have had on the commendable questions of humaneness and justice, it could hardly be regarded as a wholly benevolent gesture. Balfour himself, handsome, clever and icy, was no mere romantic. He who had pacified Ireland with guns and was known as `Bloody Balfour' in consequence, could hardly be accused of suddenly developing a philanthropic complex in favor of Jews.
The benefits immediately accruing to the Allied cause need hardly be argued. Certainly the tremendous number of Jewish

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61
soldiers fighting in the Armies of the Western Powers were fired by this warm earnest of good faith. Nor can one estimate the weight of Jewish influence in neutral countries, which dropped heavily on the Allied side of the scales. Nor the enthusiastic aid given to the Allenby invasion of Palestine. Nor the stirring effect of the Jewish Legion, fighting to right the oldest wrong in history, on the imaginations of Jewry and the world. Nor the fillip it gave the Allied claims when Palestine, the first conquered territory, was trumpeted to all humanity as newly liberated.
Not only was the effect of this superb piece of propaganda felt in all neutral countries but it was immediate in its reaction on the morale of the Central Empires, with their stew of subject races, accelerating the cleavage then taking place between the subject nationalities and their overlords. Worthy of note, too, is the boldness with which the German Zionist Conference in Berlin adopted and cabled a Resolution "greeting with satisfaction the fact that the British Government has recognized in an official declaration the right of the Jewish people to a national existence in Palestine." In fact, after the British announcement, the Central Powers did all they could to win the Zionist movement over to their side. They formulated a rival proposition, involving a chartered company with a form of self-government and the right of free immigration into Palestine; and "by the end of 1917 it was known that the Turks were willing to accept a scheme on those lines." 15
Wholeheartedly the great and important body of fundamentalist Christian opinion, hating war for any proclaimed purpose, rose to the bait. Jannaway expresses this profound conviction in his book, Palestine and the World, asserting that Biblical Prophecy was being fulfilled exactly as predicted, thus placing Jehovah squarely on the side of the Western Powers.
"Indeed," says a semi-official British publication, "support of the Zionist ambitions promised much for the Allies . . . That it is in purpose a direct contract with Jewry is beyond question." 18
This was acknowledged plainly by General Smuts, member of the War Cabinet, who speaking retrospectively some years later, asserted that "the Declaration was intended to rally the powerful

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Jewish influence for the Allied cause at the darkest hour of the War”; a statement which David Lloyd George, Winston Churchill and others, emphatically reiterated.
The Declaration was unreservedly endorsed by the other Powers.
On June 4, 1917 the French Government, through its Minister, M. Cambon, formally committed itself to "the renaissance of the Jewish nationality in that Land from which the people of Israel were exiled so many centuries ago." Even in faraway China, Wang, Minister of Foreign Affairs, assured the Zionists that "the Nationalist Government is in full sympathy with the Jewish people in their desire to establish a country for
themselves." 17
In America, echoed by practically every official of public importance,
President Wilson wrote that "the Allied nations, with the fullest concurrence of our own Government and people, are agreed that in all of Palestine shall be laid the foundations of a Jewish Commonwealth."
In gratitude the American Jewish Congress cabled H. M. Government, on November 2, 1917, its desire that Great Britain should be given the trusteeship, "acting on behalf of such League of Nations, as may be formed, to assure the development of Palestine into a Jewish Commonwealth . . ."
In the United States Congress, members expressed general accord with "the British Declaration in favor of a Jewish State in the Holy Land." The minutes of its sessions show that this understanding had not altered by an iota five years later, when the American Congress was induced to put its seal of approval, by resolution, on the selection of Great Britain as the Mandatory for Palestine.
The utterances of the Cabinet ministers who framed the Declaration were no less emphatic. General Smuts asserted that "in generations to come you will see a great Jewish State rising there once more." Declared Lloyd George grandly ". . . Great Britain extended its mighty hand in friendship to the Jewish people to help it to regain its ancient national home and to realize its age-long aspirations." Said Lord Robert Cecil "Our wish is that Arabian countries shall be for Arabs, Armenia for the Armenians and Judea for the Jews." And on another

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63
occasion he lumped the whole matter in a nutshell, telling the excited Zionists: "We have given you national existence. In your hands lies your national future." Lord Balfour was no less clear. "The destruction of Judea 1900 years ago," he asserted, "was one of the greatest historical crimes, which the Allies now endeavor to remedy."
British newspapers were as one in their mighty paean of approval.
Without exception they spoke of "the new Jewish State which is to be formed under the suzerainty of a Christian Power.”
Across the water, the American newspapers echoed these remarks in the same expansive detail. A representative editorial of the time explains: "The Zionists are that group of Jews who wish to found a Jewish Republic in Palestine with Jerusalem as the capital.
. . The British cabinet has pronounced in favor of Zionism."18

CHAPTER VI
BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS - MARCHING JEWS

Anti-Zionists invariably stress the part played by the Arabs during the War, inferring that the sons of Ishmael earned their patrimony, and that the Jews, who had done nothing, insolently demanded a chunk of the Arab pie when the spoils were being divided.
Actually the Jewish share in the victory was significant, well justifying in value received the solemn bargain made with world Jewry to reconstitute the Land of Israel as a living factor among the nations.
In the neutral countries the Allied cause, associated everywhere in the Jewish mind with justice and equity, was given invaluable support. Jews fought in the armies of the entire Western Powers. Over a hundred thousand Jewish soldiers were killed in action. In the British Empire itself, out of a total community of 425,000 Jews, 50,000 were in uniform. In true Maccabean spirit they earned more than their share of honors and decorations on the battlefield. One of them was the heroic Sir John Monash, leader of the Australians.
Behind the lines, the Zionist leader Chaim Weitzman was the genius directing the Admiralty Chemical Laboratories. According to Lloyd George, he "absolutely saved the British army at a critical moment" by devising a substitute for exhausted English supplies of acetone, used in making the basic material in gunpowder.
Among others, Sir Alfred Stern invented the tank, which saved the Western Powers from annihilation during the latter part of the fighting. Solomon J. Solomon created the idea of camouflage, allowing harassed Allied shipping to run the U-boat blockade. Everywhere Jewish brains, money, valor and enthusiasm were placed wholeheartedly at the service of the Allies.

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In Palestine itself, as a result of their commitment to the Western Powers, Jews were tortured, executed and deported. When the final truce came; fully half of them were dead or had fled abroad.
In 1915 Palestinian refugees in Egypt had organized the Zion Mule Corps under the leadership of dashing Captain Trumpledor, a one-armed veteran of the Russo-Japanese War. Colonel Patterson, the British officer who led these men in the ill-fated Gallipoli campaign, declared: "I have been in the army a long time, but I never saw anything like the way those Zionists picked up the art of soldiery." For the first time since Roman days, the Zion Mule Corps fought under the proudly floating Jewish ensign, the blue and white Mogen David (Shield of David).
In the meanwhile a brilliant young Russian writer, Vladimir Jabotinsky, had been scurrying around in an attempt to organize a legion of Jewish volunteers from the Diaspora countries to fight directly under the Jewish flag. With rare insight he pointed out that words and promises were soon forgotten and that the most enduring Jewish title to the Holy Land would come from a direct investment of Jewish blood under a Jewish flag.
The influential capitalist Jews were aghast. They put pressure on the British War Office to stop this little impassioned Zionist with the under slung jaw who they believed was jeopardizing their position in the gentile world with his lunatic nonsense.
But the British needed this Jewish regiment for publicity purposes: they had made themselves the champion of the oldest betrayed nationality in existence, impressive to the Poles, Czechs, Armenians, etc., who had been listening to the noble assurances of the Western Powers with their tongues in their cheeks. The War Office consequently overrode the objections of the anti-Zionists and allowed Jabotinsky to form The Jewish Regiment.
As the protest of the scared English Jews became louder, the regiment's name was changed to The Judeans, official sub-title for the 38th Royal Fusiliers. Following hard on its heels came another Jewish battalion, the 39th Fusiliers.
London was groggy with excitement. The official propagandists did not miss this glamorous opportunity to exploit the

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sheer romance of the historic occasion. At a giant mass meeting seeing the Jewish warriors off, the Hon. G. N. Barnes, M.P., spoke fulsomely in the name of His Majesty the King. He eulogized the Jewish soldiers as "fellow fighters for freedom," and assured his listeners that "the British Government proclaimed its policy of Zionism because it believes that Zionism is identified with the policy and aims for which good men and women are struggling everywhere.”
In Palestine The Judeans were joined by Colonel Patterson's seasoned campaigners, the Zion Mule Corps. The Jewish national anthem rang in their ears as they marched, and over their heads waved the Jewish flag.
Wildly enthusiastic, the able-bodied Jews in the conquered territory
enlisted. With an appreciation almost reverential the British Peace Handbook No. 6o announced that "the most important event which has taken place . . . since our occupation, has been the recruiting of the Palestine Jews, whatever their national States, into the British Army . . . Practically the whole available Jewish youth of the Colonies . . . came forward for voluntary enlistment in the Jewish Battalions.”
The distinguished service rendered by these Jewish regiments is indelibly written in the records. Said General Bartholomew "For the Turks the end of the War was dependent upon maintenance of the Jordan front against Allenby and on this decisive sector of the front not the Arab Army fought, but the Jewish Legion." 1 It was the Jews, who took the fords of the Jordan, thus opening the way for the passage of the British Army and
contributing in great measure to the brilliant victory at Damascus.
This was amply confirmed by General Chaytor, leader of the Australian and New Zealand cavalry and Commander-in-Chief of all troops in the Jordan Valley, who emphasized publicly "the facts of the heroic struggle made by the 38th and 39th Fusilier Battalions," who had marched on to conquer Transjordan and had thus contributed heavily to the victory over the Fourth Turkish Army.2
Of fully as great importance was the voluntary intelligence service rendered by the celebrated Nili Society all over the Holy

BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS 67
Land. Organized by the scientist Alexander Aronson, 3 its daring exploits were largely instrumental in the success of Allenby's campaign. Far from giving the invaders any help, the Palestine Arabs were, as we shall see, either apathetic or directly hostile.
Spiritedly the Palestinian volunteers addressed themselves to Colonel Patterson when he landed with his Jewish boys: "We are convinced that Britain's victory is ours and our victory Britain's. This war and Balfour's declaration have made us a sister nation of England. We hope to convince by our fighting that the soul of the Macabees has not dried up and that we know how to countersign Balfour's declaration with our own blood." 4

They had every reason to feel `convinced.' In April 1917 the British War Department had issued a statement on War Aims in the Near East in which it was proclaimed that "Palestine was to be recognized as the Jewish National Home . . . The Jewish population present and future throughout Palestine is to possess and enjoy full national, political and civic rights. . .
The Suzerain Government shall grant full and free rights of immigration into Palestine to Jews of all countries . . . The Suzerain Government shall grant a charter to a Jewish Company for the colonization and development of Palestine, the Company to have the power to acquire and take over any concessions for works of a public character . . . and the rights of preemption of Crown lands or other lands not held in private or religious ownership, and such other powers and privileges as are usual in
Charters or statutes of similar colonizing bodies." These statements were simultaneously reduced by the Allied war propagandists to brief slogans and exploited to the fullest advantage everywhere.
Addressing the first Conference of Jews in the liberated area, Major W. Ormsby-Gore, later as Colonial Secretary to suffer a serious case of amnesia, orated for His Majesty's Government as follows
"Mr. Balfour has made a historic declaration with regard to the Zionists: that he wishes to see created and built up in

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Palestine a National Home for the Jewish People. What do we understand by this? We mean that those Jews who voluntarily come to live in Palestine, should live in Palestine as Jewish nationalists . . . You are bound together in Palestine by the need of building up a Jewish nation in all its various aspects, a national center for Jewry all over the world to look at." A  
The marching Jews listened. The great dream which had inspired the Jewish mind for so many long centuries, seemed about to be realized. They believed Britain's word implicitly.

REVOLTING TRIBESMEN
Part of Lloyd George's technique during the War was connected with the old art of inciting dissatisfaction within the enemy camp. This practice had proven especially effective with the moribund Austro-Hungarian Empire, and several capable agents, including the famous Lawrence, were sent to
Arabia to foment an insurrection there if possible.
The English started with little in their favor. To speak of Turkish oppression of the Arab was actually an absurdity, unless one referred to the Levantine Christian on the coast. The constitution of the Ottoman Empire was the Arab's Koran from which the Turk derived his law, religion and culture. Even the Turkish language became half Arabic; and it was only with the later revolution under Kemal Pasha that the decadent Arab
cultural pattern which ruled the life of the Ottoman nation was eliminated.
Under Turkish suzerainty the Arab areas were virtually independent, razed by local chiefs whose authority was recognized? by the Sultan. Arabs held high position all over the Empire. The Sultan's Guards were almost completely Arab.
The schools and army were dominated by them. Even the Prime Minister, Mahmoud Chawkat Pasha, was an Arab.
The whole system of Muslimism itself practically precluded any idea of national sentiment, until it began to arise under the stimulus of British agitators. In Baghdad some Arabs of vaulting ambition had formed Nationalist Committees, but the

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mass of townsmen and fellaheen were utterly apathetic to any nationalist feeling. Regional sectarianism was everywhere the rule. The Shiahs did not desire a Sunni government; nor would the Sunnis tolerate a Shiah rule, while the mass of tribesmen did not desire any government at all.
As matters rested, the British were compelled to create a completely
synthetic situation if they were to have the great Arab revolt come off. They decided to rely on private rivalries and ambitions; and here they made a shrewd guess: the desert was a hotbed of rapacity, hatreds and feuds.
Sitting immobile in the Hejaz was the Sherif Hussein, descendant of the Prophet and unbending hater of Christians and all their works. Almost alone among the Arabian princes he was the nominee of the Turks. His measure may be gained from the fact that he even prohibited talking-machines in his kingdom, believing them to be the invention of the devil.
On the other side of Hussein was his mortal enemy, the gigantic Ibn Saud of Nejd. Saud, a good hater who believed in the old Mohammedan tenets of conversion by disemboweling, was also in conflict with the powerful Emir of Hail, who was being supported by the Turks.
The British wanted Hussein for the moral effect they presumed his name would have on the Faithful, and made overtures to him early. Part of these `negotiations' lay in the bland threat to feed him outright to the ferocious Saud, to whom they were handing a subsidy of 45,000; a month to insure his neutrality.
To make the argument more pointed, Britain politely withheld the annual donation from Egypt to the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, threatening the Hejaz with bankruptcy, since this pilgrimage provided the barren land with its chief source of revenue.
The Sherif had still other and more urgent considerations to hasten his decision. One of these was the British naval blockade of the Arabian coast, "inevitably aggravating the internal distress caused by the lack of pilgrims." 8
That Hussein's over-lordship of the Holy Places would make him an acceptable leader to all the Arabs of the Peninsula turned out to be an error. Even at that time, his mortal enemy, Saud,

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was the principal power in South Central Arabia as was another mutual opponent, Ibn Rashid of Hayil, in the North Central part.
Nor would the great sheikhs, such as those of the Huwallah, the Shammar, or the Mutair accept Hussein's over lordship, or even permit him to speak for them. 7
The whole business degenerated into a confused medley of intrigue, directed by a multitude of British agencies acting under conflicting instructions and authority; the powerful India Office, for example, bucked the traces completely and gave encouragement to Ibn Saud as the logical leader of the rebellion.
Just what kind of `Arab patriot' Hussein was, may be learned from the fact that he allowed a contingent of volunteers to be recruited in his territory for the abortive Turkish expedition to the Suez Canal in February 1915, and used his influence to assist the crew of the German cruiser Emden which had been harassing British communications off the Red Sea Coast.9 Thus he negotiated with Turks and British alike until he could make sure he was backing the right horse. Actually all he wanted or hoped to secure was complete independence in his own corner of southwestern Arabia, military support against his rival, Ibn Saud and unfettered control of the lucrative pilgrim revenue.
Finally, the British High Commissioner in Egypt, Sir Henry McMahon tried his hand. He found Hussein a good horse trader, non-committal and holding out for the highest bidder.
In order to force the `Arab patriot' to move, the British had to submit to as fine a mulcting as they have ever experienced.
The Agreement entered into early in 1916, reads that "The Government of Great Britain agrees to furnish this Arab Government with all its needs of arms and ammunition and money during the War." What this transaction was like is more than explained in the wireless received by McMahon's confidential assistant, Sir Ronald Storrs, just before the `rebellion' broke out.
It read: "Foreign Office has approved payment of £ 10,000 to Abdullah and £ 50,000 to Sherif of Mecca. But this latter payment only in return for definite action and if a reliable rising takes place." 10 All told, the English handed over to the Sherif

BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS 71
a cool £ 1,000,000 in materials and money, and stimulated his patriotism with grandiose promises of personal power." Nothing else than this flood of gold, writes Lawrence cynically, "would have performed the miracle of keeping a tribal army in the field for five months on end." And C. S. Jarvis, English Governor of Sinai Peninsula, comments that Arab actions from
start to finish "proved that they were only interested in the revolution for three objects in the following order of importance - gold, loot, and the satisfactory clearing up of their own daraks or areas." 12 Indeed, the only time a full muster of the `patriots' could be counted on was payday.
The whole `campaign of the desert' was a strangely inept piece of business, vastly enlarged on by British publicists for outside consumption. A good account of it is given by the French General, Edouard Bremond; in his book Le Hedjaz dans la Guerre Mondiale. Hussein himself is described as "an obstinate, narrow-minded, suspicious character," so insanely jealous of his son Feisal that he was forever issuing from his throne in Mecca, out of sheer pique, "orders that from time to time jeopardized the cause." 13
Observers, neutral and friendly, have described the character of these purchased levies. They were not, by our standards, good soldiers. Bloodless victories were the kind that they appreciated, and Lawrence's understanding of this preference dictated his whole strategy of irregular warfare. Colonel Wilson, the English representative at Hussein's court, contemptuously refers to them as "a cowardly and undisciplined rabble”;
and Lawrence makes no bones about their cowardice under Turkish fire. 14 "Lawrence knew," says Jarvis, "that if his Arabs suffered heavy casualties in a direct attack they would never recover from the effect and would disseminate into thin air." 15
Lawrence states, moreover, that "it was impossible to mix or combine tribes, since they disliked or distrusted one another.
Likewise, we could not use the men of one tribe in the territory of another." 16 With sardonic resignation he observes: "My men were blood enemies of thirty tribes and only for my hand

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over them would have murdered in the ranks every day. Their feuds prevented them combining against me; while their unlikeness gave me sponsors and spies wherever I went or sent. . ." 17
Often the Arabs refused to fight at all because they were not satisfied with the amount of loot they were receiving. Lawrence himself was once abandoned with two companions in the middle of an engagement, his Arab allies having gone raving mad with the lust of plunder. In their frenzy they fought among themselves, and soon were all `missing,' "having dispersed with their spoil." Even in victory they did not hesitate to leave
their own wounded lying helpless on the ground while they looted. Under these circumstances, says Lawrence, they lost their wits completely and "were as ready to assault friend as foe." 18 Without exception, every observer comments that they invariably broke off in the middle of an engagement to disappear into the desert with their captured gains. There is actually no recorded instance of an Arab accomplishment in the way
of a spectacular battle or the capture of a large town with its garrison.
The British, in fact, had their hands full with their wild allies.
Aviators had to fly at a considerable height to avoid being shot at by the Bedouins, who had "an irresistible desire to shoot anything that was moving fast." 19 They found the Arab chiefs volcanic and suspicious and ever ready to resent the presence of infidels. "Many of them," writes Captain Hart, "behaved as if the British officers were their servants, and set an example of rudeness that was imitated by their followers, as
well as by their slaves." Lawrence cautioned his men frankly before an excursion into the desert "that there was no need to worry about the Turks, but every need to worry about our allies, the Bedouins." 20 Nor would he instruct his tribesmen in the handling of the high explosives used to cripple the Turkish transportation system, afraid that they "would keep on playfully blowing up trains even after the termination of the war." 21
The whole Lawrence legend in itself has been sadly exaggerated.
He was a brave and clever man, but the truth of the

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matter is that he never penetrated into Arabia at all, and merely went down the western coastal fringe from Mecca northward along the Pilgrim railway .22 Most of the inhabitants of Arabia could hardly have known of his existence, "while the suggestion implied of Arabian unification under a foreigner and a non-Moslem is, of course, a myth." 23
His entire `army' of purchased irregulars did not amount to a row of peanuts when compared with the Arabs fighting on the Turkish side against the detested infidel. Simultaneous with the Sherif's commitment to the Allies, his powerful neighbor Hussein Mabeirig, chief of the Rabegh Harb, joined the Turks; and facing the invaders was at least one entire Ottoman division made up entirely of Arab men and officers.
The number who participated in the `revolt' were an uncertain and fluctuating quantity, "simply gathering," says Bertram Thomas, "for some particular expedition in numbers that sometimes reached a few thousand, but were more often only a few hundred." Lloyd George estimated their total number to aggregate "but a few thousand horsemen," remarking that "the vast majority of their race in the Great War were fighting for
their Turkish conquerors." 24
There have been few peoples in history who have gotten so much for giving so little. In Iraq the Arabs took almost no part whatsoever in the fighting, and always were to be found on the winning side. Now with the Turks, now with the British, loot was their principal object. Blood-curdling eyewitness accounts tell how Turks and Englishmen alike were murdered for their small possessions. Unfortunate prisoners had their bellies
ripped open in search of the gold liras which the Arabs thought the soldiers had swallowed. Graves containing Turkish and English dead were despoiled for any articles which might have been buried with them. Throughout the Turkish Empire the phrase Khayin Arab (treacherous Arab) became an ugly proverb.25

As shown by the records, as far as Palestine is concerned, the Arab contribution to its conquest was indirect and trifling. Not a single Arab was employed in the conquest of Cis-Jordan. In

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Trans-Jordan it was the Jewish Legions who, having assisted the English to take the passages of the Jordan River, marched on to capture Es Salt, then considered its principal town. Lawrence's Arabs were far away in the desert engaged in butchering and looting fleeing men, fellow-Arabs of the Turkish army, who had been routed by British guns and airplanes. The soldier, Duff, his blood turned cold by these activities, describes their "strange, twisted mentality. . ." 26
At this time the dazzling fiction of a Palestinian Arab struggle against the Turks had not yet been invented. The British themselves, roiled by the disinclination of Palestine Arabs to assist in any way, described them as "sunk in almost animal brutishness, moved by no spirit of personal liberty or freedom for their native land." A study of Lawrence's Seven Pillars of Wisdom reveals that his levies were all desert tribesmen except for ten
Syrians, of whom six `ratted' and four deserted. No Palestinian Arab is mentioned by Lawrence. The British, who were later
to speak pompously of Arab nationalism in Palestine, were of quite a different sentiment in 1918. British Peace Handbook No. 60 declares briskly that "they have little if any national sentiment . . . The Moslem Effendi class . . . evince a feeling somewhat akin to hostility towards the Arab movement . . .
This class, while regretting the opportunities for illegitimate gain offered by Turkish rule, has no real political cohesion, and, above all, no power of organization." There was in fact not a single Arab personality in Palestine with whom the British could negotiate. With their experiences still fresh in English minds, the Peace Handbook repeats Burton's jibe that these Levantines "hide their weapons at the call of patriotism.”
Despite the ado subsequently made over the vaunted promises to Hussein, all the evidence indicates that until British policy shifted after the War, the idea that Palestine should become Arabic had not even been contemplated. It is certain that during Lawrence's campaign Feisal and his principal henchmen had their eye upon Syria, not upon Palestine, and that the rank and file were interested in money and loot and nothing else.
McMahon himself vigorously denied that any pledge had been

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given to Hussein which could be construed to mean that Palestine was to be included in the Arab area; and in Commons on July 11, 1922, Winston Churchill, then Secretary of State for the Colonies, declared: "No pledges were made to the Palestine Arabs in 1915. So far as I am aware, the first suggestion that Palestine was included in the area within which His Majesty's Government promised to recognize and support the independence of the Arabs, was made . . . more than five years after the conclusion of the correspondence on which the claim was based." The promise to Hussein was in any case crazy; for, as Sidebotham points out, he was not in a position to pledge the Arabs outside the Hejaz to anything.
When Hussein finally proclaimed himself Commander of the Faithful, it proved a fatal step, hardening against him the Wahabis and other fanatic Moslem groups in whose eyes the Sherif was an infidel backslider. London, too, was tiring of his incessant demands and arrogance; and burned with rage when the new King of the Hejaz refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles and wriggled out of joining the League of Nations under British tutelage. Quietly they withdrew their support from the recalcitrant Hussein and let it be known that he was now on his own.27 Saud, who had been waiting for this moment, needed no further invitation. He promptly occupied Mecca, chased Hussein off to exile in Cyprus, and henceforth styled himself King of the Hejaz and Sultan of Nejd.
While the Sherif was engaged in this death struggle with his ancient enemy, Britain stepped in and demanded that he place Maan and the Red Sea port of Aqaba under British Mandate.
On May 27, 1925, the British Government regretfully informed the Commander of the Faithful that if he would not accede to this demand, it "would have to take Aqaba and Maan by force." On June 18, both towns became part of Transjordan.
Here was created the need for a fresh departure in British Arabic policy since their new protege, Saud, would not accept the fact of British possession gracefully; he continued to roar with aggrieved self-righteousness that he had been robbed. This friction, which persists until today, resulted in still another of

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Whitehall's famous zigzags, this time back in the direction of Abdullah of the House of Hussein.

THE ARAB VIEW OF ZIONISM
During all the period that the Zionists had been without benefit of Balfour Declaration or Mandatory `assistance,' the attitude of the Arabs toward the Jewish National Movement had been one of almost unanimous approval. In 1906, Farid Kassab, famous Syrian author, had expressed the view uniformly held by Arabs: "The Jews of the Orient are at home. This land is their only fatherland. They don't know any other." 28 A year later
Dr. Gaster reported that he had "held conversations with some of the leading sheikhs, and they all expressed themselves as very pleased with the advent of the Jews, for they considered that with them had come Barakat, i.e., blessing, since the rain came in due season." 29
The Moslem religious leader, the Mufti, was openly friendly, even taking a prominent part in the ceremony of laying the foundation stone for the Hebrew University on Mt. Scopus.
Throughout Arabia the chiefs were for the most part distinctly pro-Zionist; and in Palestine the peasantry were delighted at every prospect of Jewish settlement near their villages. They let few opportunities slip to proclaim in flowery oriental rhetoric the benefits that Jewish colonization was bringing them.
Land acquisition was easy. Commercial intercourse between Arab and Jew was constant and steady. In the face of the practical regard with which the impoverished natives viewed these queer Moskubs 30 who brought with them manna from heaven, the anti-Zionist elements, if they existed, kept silent. Remarkably enough, the incoming Zionists, vigorous, modern, and capable, were treated with high respect, while the native Jew still remained despised.
The Arab National Movement itself, puny, inexperienced, and hated by the huge Levantine population who continued to regard themselves simply as Ottoman subjects, looked to the

BRASS BUTTONS AND STUFFED SHIRTS? 7
strong, influential Zionist Organization for sympathy and assistance.
Hussein of the Hejaz who had been booted upstairs by the British into a position of recognized authority in the Arab Nationalist Movement after the War, distrusted European nations and their statesmen to the very marrow of his bones. He looked to the Zionists, as a kindred folk, for the financial and scientific experience of which the projected Arab state would stand badly in need. When the Balfour Declaration was communicated to him in January 1918, he had replied "with an expression of good will towards a kindred Semitic race." 31
In May of the same year, at Aqaba where he held court and made camp, Hussein was visited by Dr. Weitzman, head of the Zionist Commission. At this desert conference the British Government and the Arab Bureau in Cairo were well represented.
Feisal, dark, majestic son of the Sherif, spoke as the Arab representative.
Intimate mutual cooperation between the two Movements was pledged. The Zionists were to provide political, technical and financial advisers to the Arabs; and it was agreed that Palestine was to be the Jewish sphere of influence and development.
This alliance fitted perfectly with Hussein's ideas.
Basic hostility to all Christian powers characterized father and son, who felt that the Jews were the indispensable allies, and indeed the instruments, of a new Arab renaissance. They regarded a dominantly Jewish Palestine as the necessary foundation to a greater Arabia; and were anxious for a rapid development of the Peninsula if it were to become capable of resisting the attacks which their weakness must sooner or later invite.
When Feisal came to Europe in 1919 representing the Arab cause, the Zionists submitted their plans to him. Both Feisal and Lawrence approved of them, and early in 1919 these conversations culminated in a Treaty of Friendship. Solemnly signed, this convention provided for the "closest possible collaboration"
in the development of the Arab State and the coming Jewish Commonwealth of Palestine. National boundaries were
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considered; 32 Mohammedan Holy Places were to be under Mohammedan control; the Zionist Organization undertook to provide
economic experts to the new Arab State; and the Arabs agreed to facilitate the carrying into effect of the Balfour Declaration and to "encourage and stimulate immigration of Jews into Palestine on a large scale." 33
On March 3, I9I9, Feisal acting officially for the Arab movement, wrote: "We Arabs look with the deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement. Our deputation in Paris is fully acquainted with the proposals submitted yesterday by the Zionist Organization to the Peace Conference and we regard them as moderate and proper. We will do our best, insofar as we are concerned, to help them through. We will wish the Jews a most hearty welcome home.”
The Arab leaders placed themselves on record everywhere in an obvious effort to attain Zionist support for their own aspirations, then under the cloud of European Imperialist ambitions.
A representative example is Feisal's public communication to Sir Herbert Samuel, pleading the need to "maintain between us that harmony so necessary for the success of our common cause."
On meticulous English records, carefully buried in the Government vaults, the entire story is written in comprehensive detail.
At all discussions British representatives were present.
Lawrence was the official translator at almost all of them. Officially,
Major Ormsby-Gore was liaison officer on the ground.
It was he who pulled the strings between Arab and Jew, at a time when Zionism was still persona grata to the gentlemen who rule Whitehall.

THE MILITARY JUNTA
Whatever the mighty deeds and feats of derring-do by English arms elsewhere in the Great War, it is not a fact that they alone conquered Palestine. It is only a fact that an English general led the attacking forces, much as Marshal Foch commanded the Allies on the Western Front.

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When with pennants flying, Sir Edmund Allenby made his historic entry into Jerusalem on December 9, 1917, the Hebrew battalions were also there. Sir John Monash's Australians were the bulk of his effectives. Under his command, among others, was a contingent of French Colonials and a force of Italian Bersaglieri from Libya. As he victoriously entered, Allenby was flanked on one side by M. Francois Georges-Picot and on
the other by Major d'Augustino, the French and Italian representatives
respectively.
It was understood all around that the expressed Jewish wish was to have the British in control during the early period when the foundations of the Jewish National Home were to be laid.
The Zionists were at the time much afraid of the practical results which might follow from the International control favored by the French and Italians; and they looked on the English as their friends and sponsors. Under this Jewish insistence the Latins generously allowed their interests to lapse and the English military was left in complete authority.
The surrender of Jerusalem coincided exactly with the Feast of Chanukah, which commemorates the recapture of the Temple from the heathen Seleucids by Judas Maccabeus in the year 165 B.C. Lending color to this coincidence, General Allenby said on entering: "We have come not as conquerors but as deliverers ."
But hardly had the Turks been driven out when it became apparent to Jew and Arab alike that the entire Administration was uncompromisingly opposed both to the letter and the spirit of the Declaration. In his solemn proclamation after taking the Capital, Allenby spoke as if the Declaration had never been issued.
In fact no mention was made of the Jewish National Home in any official announcement in Palestine until May 1, 1920.
Even all references to the Jewish Legion, unstintingly praised in the military dispatches f or its gallantry in action, were suppressed by G.H.Q. from the dispatches as published in the Palestine and Egyptian papers. The amazed Zionists suddenly discovered that "the Military Administration . . . was anti-Zionist and perhaps anti-Jewish." 34
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Weitzman and his cohorts had been used to dealing with suave statesmen whose assurances were still ringing in their ears.
Balfour had just reiterated that "no one is now opposed to Zionism. The success of Zionism is secure." 35 Ormsby-Gore had even gone so far as to urge the immediate creation of a Jewish passport. In Jerusalem the consuls of almost every country were, out of courtesy, newly appointed Jews. The official British Peace Handbook on Zionism, giving on the highest possible authority the Government's conception of what it had
agreed to, read: "Jewish opinion would prefer Palestine to be controlled for the present as a part, or at least a dependency, of the British Empire; but its administration should be largely entrusted to Jews of the Colonist type. . . Zionists of this way of thinking believe that, under such conditions, the Jewish population would rapidly increase until the Jew became the predominant partner of the combination.”
The Zionists were under the impression that they had "gained the adhesion of the Powers to practically the exact terminology of the Basle program adopted in 1897" under the direction of Herzl. 3B They were totally unprepared for the unexpected attitude of the Military, and stood around rubbing their hands in consternation.
The Generals, looking on the pro-Zionist commitment of the Foreign Office as little less than criminal lunacy, virtually refused to carry out London's orders. In this they were obviously abetted by headquarters in Cairo which, in addition to holding the direction of military operations, contained a staff of political observers. For reasons which will be discussed later, the Military considered the Jews to be dangerous Bolsheviks who were conspiring to upset the Empire. Moreover, the rivalry with the French was now going on full blast and the Generals hoped to exclude them from Syria altogether. Sir Arthur Money, who took over the administration for Allenby, in high elation reported that he had interviewed a number of `Syrians' and that "their idea of Government for Palestine was that we should govern it; the idea was pure bliss to them." I

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In his mind's eye he already considered Palestine a British colony from which Jews were to be excluded.
The Zionists were put in their place with a bang. Despite the Jewish majority in Jerusalem, "the Army . . . appointed two-thirds of the Jerusalem Corporation Arab and only one third Jewish." 37 General Money decided that all tax forms and receipts should be printed in English and Arabic only; and the Military Governor of Jaffa declared insolently that he was going to address Jewish delegations in Arabic.
The attitude of the Generals toward the Jews was contemptuous and hostile; and subordinates were swiftly responsive to the cue supplied by their superior officers. General Money asserted with cool complacency: "I have asked many people in position - in England and elsewhere - why England has capitulated to the Zionists, but none of them has been able to give me a straight answer." He came to the amusing conclusion that
the Holy Land had been handed over to Weitzman who had demanded it as his pound of flesh for having invented "in the nick of time . . . some ultra-Teutonic deadliness of gas and bombs." 38
Not un-instructive of the whole tone of this administration is the case given by Horace Samuel, late Judicial Officer in Palestine, of a medical official "who quite frankly and with barely concealed relish announced that Jew-baiting had been the sport of kings for centuries and centuries." 39 All told, the British officers, quite apart from any question of higher politics, "regarded the Balfour Declaration as damn nonsense, the Jews as a damn nuisance and natives into the bargain; and the Arabs as damn good fellows." 40

HANDRUBBING STATESMEN
It was tragic for the hopes of Zion that the spirit of the Ghetto still stared from the brooding eyes of Jewish leaders. With a few notable exceptions, they carried with them into the new movement the spirit of philosophic resignation, the unworldly

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dreaming and weakness under attack which had characterized life in the Russian Pale. Wise politicians would have known that the Balfour Declaration was only the beginning of their troubles; that from this time onward, the Jewish estate would have to be protected by every artifice that stubborn determination and vigilance could invent. But the inexperienced Zionists considered their provisional charter to be the solution to all problems. Learnedly they mapped and blueprinted the perfect society which was gradually to unfold its petals like a lovely
orchid in the new Land of Israel.
Shocked by these pedantic vagaries, the shrewd Nordau urged that a half million Jews be thrown into Palestine at once. The Bolshevik horror alone could have supplied such a number of weary refugees who would have been eager to migrate to the Holy Land under any conditions. The practical difficulties to such a project were by no means insuperable, and, fully as important, Arab resistance to the policy of the Jewish National
Home was at this time scarcely visible. Arab landowners, holders of great vacant stretches, were under the impression that radical land legislation was impending and were anxious to sell at any price. It was a golden opportunity, never to come again.
But Zionist spokesmen at that time were opposed to what they considered `premature' immigration, and wanted to build on `sound' lines. With cautious logic they demanded to know "How will these people live? We have no houses for them - they will starve! “41
"Let them live in tents - let them starve!" replied Nordau.
"But you had better bring them in at once while the opportunity lasts. Gentlemen, you have the Balfour Declaration: but you don't know England!”
The Hierarchy, condemning Nordau and his followers as `impractical, un-idealistic and headstrong,' was content to wait.
Its initiative had been immobilized by the collapse of Russia which had been the great center of Zionism. The Bolsheviks, coming into power, had outlawed the movement on the grounds that it was a tool of the Imperialists and a betrayal of the Jewish masses. Quoting the master, Marx, to show that Jews were

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only a social class and not a nation, they declared Jewish nationalism
a counter-revolutionary activity.
Completely upset by this volcanic withdrawal of their principal source of support, the bewildered Zionists did nothing.
Their complete reliance on the good faith of British assurances caused them to neglect the most logical and prudent step, that of consolidating their position quickly, before opposition forces had had time to collect themselves.
The British could hardly believe their eyes when the Jewish leaders, obsessed with vague schemes for national ownership of the land, actually welcomed the drastic legislation ordered by Allenby prohibiting land sales as well as immigration. They did not even protest when the Jewish Legion was ca'Talierly disbanded and told to leave the Holy Land for their points of origin, though the balance of Allenby's force remained under arms.
In London a Jewish Commission had been arranged for, ostensibly to take over the business of developing the country under the protecting arm of the Military. Headed by Dr. Weitzman, it arrived July 24, 1918, equipped, with the authority of the British Government, to advise the Palestine Administration on Jewish affairs. As head of this essentially political body, Weizmann's first act was to warn his hearers to beware of treacherous insinuations that Zionists were seeking political power. 42
The Generals, who had been treating the Jewish population as if it were non-existent, did not even bother with blandishments; they simply ignored the Commission altogether. Not even a pretense of friendship with the Government could be maintained.
With a pointed demonstration of contempt, when the Jewish National Anthem was played at a concert in a Jewish school, General Money and his staff deliberately kept their seats. Putty-souled Zionist leaders, who might have used the incident for a complete show-down fight in a world where the advantage of sympathy and legality was all theirs, remembered the knout of the Czars sweated and kept silent.
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Incident multiplied itself on incident, and for twenty months the status quo of the country remained unchanged. The only time the Zionist leaders opened their mouths was when "the notorious anti-Semite Colonel Scott (acting head of the judiciary) publicly insulted the Jews and the Jewish religion in the corridor of the Law Courts."" The howl that went up,
forced by Orthodox institutions, compelled him to resign.
The Zionists were badly rattled. Wanting the hardihood necessary to handle this admittedly difficult situation, they could only sit helplessly by, hoping for the best. They watched apathetically while a civil agent of the Government, an apostate Jew named Gabriel, busied himself in promoting British commercial interests while the Jews, treated as social, commercial and political outcasts were kept at a distance. With equal
meekness they stood by while the Government sabotaged Jewish efforts to come to an understanding with the Arabs.
With conscious design the Administration fostered hostility between Arab and Jew. It directly advised the amazed Arabs of Palestine and Egypt to abstain from any concessions to the Jews. It formed the Moslem-Christian Association and used it as a weapon against the Zionists on the slightest pretext. It instructed astonished Arab young-bloods in the technique and
tenets of modern nationalism, in order to resist Jewish `pretenses.'
And in London it contacted reliable anti-Jewish elements, to form a liaison which has endured to this day.
The Arabs were not only instigated and advised, but supplied with funds, and their arguments ghost-written by Englishmen in high places. They proved a tolerably good investment.
Their ready compliance may be seen in the very convenient demands put forward in the Third Arab Palestine Congress (timed to coincide with the British plot to force the French out of the Near East altogether) that the Holy Land be not separated from Syria.
During all this time the Military had been playing a high game of politics on its own, maneuvering carefully to present the forthcoming Peace Conference with a fait accompli which would set the lily-livered civilian officials in London back on

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their heels. Tension was strong between British and French as to who should control the Eastern Mediterranean. The French, traditional protectors of Syria, had a long-hooked finger in the pie. On Bastille Day, during the sessions of the Peace Conference, when the Tri-color flag was run up at Sidon, a chill went down the spines of the military gentlemen in Jerusalem.
The Generals aimed at one big Arab state or federation of states, to include the Hejaz, Iraq, Syria and Palestine, which was to lie, as Egypt had lain, in the political and economic pocketbook of Britain. For this consummation to be realized it was essential that the population of Palestine should be so anti-Zionist and the population of Syria so anti-French that with the best will in the world, bier entendu, it would be impossible to put into force a French control of the Levant or a Zionist policy in Palestine.
Now began a technique of instigation and incitement from which the Anglo-Saxon rulers of the Holy Land have never varied wherever they had a point to be gained. Tension between France and England over this continuous stream of intrigue finally reached a point where a breath would have precipitated it into armed conflict. The French statesman M. Barthou sharply protested. With its tongue in its cheek, London blandly
forwarded the protest to Palestine, abjuring the Generals to behave
themselves.
Matters came to a head in 1920 when Feisal staged a revolt against the French in Damascus, with money and ammunition supplied by the British General Headquarters. 44 He had been proclaimed King by a `Syrian Congress' which included Palestinians, and which asserted the principle that Palestine was a part of Syria and could not be cut off from it. Almost simultaneously, in order to show how impossible it was to implement
the Balfour Declaration in the face of native hostility, the Generals
arranged a pogrom in Jerusalem. They hoped it would mean the end of Zionism, that the League of Nations, which had not yet officially named a mandatory, would be forced to `recognize the rights' of the native population and cancel out the Zionist adventure.
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POGROM AND WORLD HORROR
The Governor of Jerusalem was General Louis Bolls. Chief of Staff to Bols was Colonel Waters Taylor, whose ideal polity was a military government in perpetuity, and who later became an anti-Zionist organizer in London.
When Colonel Patterson, staunch Zionist friend, heard that Bols had been appointed, he was shocked. He writes: "I knew Bols well, having worked with him for two years. I knew him as an out and out anti-Semite, who would leave no stone unturned to destroy the Jewish National Home root and branch."
So moved was this honest English soldier that he boarded a train for Cairo that very day in order to warn Weitzman of the danger, urging him to oppose Bols' appointment with might and main. In reply Weitzman informed Patterson that his fears "were really exaggerated, as he had just had a two-hour conversation with Bols and had found him a very nice man." Despite Weitzman’s optimistic appraisal, the result of Bols' appointment was soon to be written in Jewish blood.
Ominous incidents crowding fast on the heels of the intensive propaganda which followed the crowning of Feisal in Syria, had caused a number of saner Zionists to warn the Government. It responded by ordering the disarming of the population, enforcing the order only insofar as the Jews were concerned.
The riots of April 1920 broke on the heads of the astonished Jews like a clap of thunder. Misled by the naiveté of their responsible leaders, they awoke from their dreams of a Jewish Commonwealth to scenes no different than those from which they had fled in Russia.
The action was perfectly timed. Moslem crowds had gathered for the Nebi Moussa festival in Jerusalem. The usual frenzy of chants and wild dances was driving them into a dangerous emotional delirium. Propaganda of the wildest sort was being circulated; and whispers went through the crowd, which was going rapidly berserk.
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them forward against the Jews. Hesitant for a moment, the reassuring
cry arose: "The Government is with us!"
The stage had been ably set. All Jewish policemen had been relieved from duty in the `Old City,' a walled section of Jerusalem where the bulk of the Jews resided. Totally unopposed and making a directed attack from three different parts of the town at the same moment, the mob rushed into the Jewish Quarter, brandishing knives and clubs.
Shrieking madness covered the Old City. The most horrible and repugnant scenes took place. Amongst other manifestations of patriotism, some elderly Jews were locked in a house which was set on fire, while a number of women were subjected to rape.
Shivering with the emotion of an unhappy, betrayed man, Weitzman, supreme Jewish leader, wept bitterly. In another part of the city, Jabotinsky, the little Russian writer with the prognathous jaw was raging. Cursing the wordy timidity of his Zionist confreres he swiftly gathered together a group of ex-Legionnaires. Heartened, other young Jews joined the "Self-Defense." Where they appeared the rioters ran for their lives.
Meanwhile the Government surrounded the Old City with a cordon of police and troops, preventing Jabotinsky's boys from going to the assistance of the defenseless Jews, giving them over for three days to murder, loot and rape before the authorities raised a hand to interfere .45
Jabotinsky and his Legionnaires were arrested as fast as they could be apprehended. It was symptomatic of the general tone of the Administration that Howes, the Commandant of Police, caused Jabotinsky to be held in the common lockup, while Arab agitators who had also been arrested were accommodated in a pleasant room in the Governate itself. Zionist stock slumped still lower when Jewish notables were refused an audience, while motor cars were placed at the disposal of Arab leaders for
the purpose of granting them an interview with the Chief Administrator.
46
With ghoulish thoroughness the Government both during and

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after the riots searched the Jews for arms, deliberately rendering them defenseless, and causing numerous arrests of those guilty of protecting their homes and loved ones. Cynically Sir Louis Bols complained in a dispatch to Cairo: "They [the Jews] are very difficult to deal with . . . They are not satisfied with military protection, but demand to take the law in their own hands."
So devilishly inhuman a course would hardly seem credible if it were not supported by the word of many witnesses, some of them distinguished Englishmen, revolted by this sickening parade of events. The tone of the Administration was so hostile that a celebrated American archaeologist, a non-Jew, told Horace Samuel "quite specifically" that because of his sympathy for the riot victims "he found himself deliberately cold-shouldered by the British officials." 47 A thoroughly upset British lady felt
compelled to write that "for the first time yesterday I felt ashamed of being born an Englishwoman." 48
Jerusalem had undergone an orgy of slaughter, rape, torture and sack. Everywhere homes and stores were wrecked. Sixty innocents lay dead, and innumerable victims were injured, the memory of unspeakable horror engraved on their consciousness, never to fade. Far away in the little Galilee village of Tel Hai the knightly Captain Trumpledor was killed with nine of his men, murmuring as he fell, "It is good to die for one's country.”
In a vermin-infested jail, awaiting trial, was Jabotinsky – Jewish patriot and ex-officer of His Majesty's Army- now stripped of his honors and treated like a dangerous felon. With scant ceremony he was tried, and with his Legionnaires sentenced to ifteen years at hard labor.
Shocked by this savage order, the Jews shut their shops in protest. The Government replied with a ukase ordering the shops reopened under penalty of a fine of £ 50; an action more than interesting in view of the way subsequent Arab strikes were handled.
Suddenly, like a typhoon which had gathered from nowhere, a tremendous wave of protest swept the world. England with her hands full in Ireland and India, smarting under the condemnation

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she was receiving in all civilized quarters was aghast.
The Generals' plan had become a boomerang.
The League had not yet granted an official mandate; and the French, irritated to the boiling point, took action to throw Feisal out. Angling for Jewish support, they let it be known that they would not refuse if the mandate for Palestine were offered to them.
The English were in a tight spot. They stood morally condemned before the world. The precious life line to India was in danger.
Here was another shining opportunity laid right in the Zionists' laps. The functionaries in Whitehall were in rapid retreat.
To show their good faith they severed the heads of the top administrator
of Palestine together with his Chief of Staff, and served them up on a platter for the edification of the French and the Zionists. The Jews at this moment could have named their own price. They were now top-dog in a situation that had reversed itself. But Zionist leaders continued to temporize and placate. With no conception of the moment for swift, decisive action, they settled down to ponder their old vaporous ideas.

Page104

CHAPTER VII
THE MANDATE BY THE LEAGUE
WEIZMANN OBLIGES
At the Peace Conference, held at Versailles in February 1919, the historic opportunity for which Herzl had built and struggled had suddenly come to a head. The Allies were tired and in a generous mood. The hysteria founded on the claim that the `War was fought for democracy' was still much in evidence. Jewry was, moreover, reckoned as a world force whose good will could count powerfully in the reconstruction period which was
following.
At this psychological moment, had Zionist leaders possessed the political shrewdness which induced the other nations to scramble eagerly for the biggest hunk of spoil they could get, the Jewish problem would have found its solution, and would not today be a plague spot in the life of Europe.
Poland was being handed whole sections of Germany and the Ukraine to satisfy its `economic needs' as well as the ideals of democracy. Other nations similarly were fighting for and securing their share. The Jews could have demanded and received not only the present boundaries of Palestine, but a large part of the rich Lebanon Valley, the fertile Hauran, and the vast uninhabited territory to the east. This area was practically
vacant; and the signs were already written on the heavens that Israel must soon evacuate Europe or perish. The Arabs, undeterred by the restraining `principles' of the Zionists, had demanded, and received, more than they had ever envisioned in their wildest dreams, they received over five million square miles of territory.
At a moment when public opinion would have completely approved of  the Zionists taking immediate possession, they demurred on `democratic' and `social' grounds.
An example of their attitude is contained in the assertion by Sir Herbert Samuel that "the immediate establishment of a complete and purely Jewish State in Palestine would mean placing a majority under the rule of a minority; it would therefore be contrary to the first principles of democracy. . ."

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Both at Versailles and later, the chief Jewish negotiator, Weitzman, maintained the mild demeanor of humanist and philosopher . Asked what the Zionists wanted, he contented himself with the remark: "Ultimately, such conditions that Palestine should be just as Jewish as England is English." 1 Lloyd George commented that "Weitzman was the only modest man at the Peace Conference . . . who was decent in his demands”:
a bitterly questionable compliment to the oppressed Jews who survey it in retrospect.
Throughout the Versailles Conference the view taken by the British delegation, and supported by the Plenipotentiaries, "was that if there was to be a Jewish nationality, it could only be by giving the Jews a local habitation and enabling them to found in Palestine a Jewish State." 2
Powerful America, holding the economic future of Europe in her pocket was heart and soul for a Zionist solution. The official American recommendation at the Peace Conference was for the establishment of a Jewish State. A commission of prominent Americans had been sent by President Wilson to investigate, and their recommendations, adopted by the President and other American delegates without dissent, were direct and forthright, stating bluntly that "it is right that Palestine should become a Jewish State." 3
The frank of America on this proposal was tantamount to its acceptance by the Conference. With the exception of some demurrage from the Catholic Church, which wanted to make doubly sure that its own interests in the Holy Land were protected, opposition virtually did not exist. The Arabs themselves were more than friendly and in fact were looking to the obviously influential Zionists for support of their own program.
Again, as in the case of the Balfour Declaration, the only oppositionists
were Jews - capitalists or Marxists - who considered Zionism a move of gravely dangerous import. In England a "League of British Jews" led by the important Claude G. Montefiore was formed to lobby against the proposition. In America three hundred representatives of Jewish moneybags, led by the Reform Rabbis, forwarded a protest to the Peace Conference

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"Against the program of political Zionism." But the only effect of these hysterical renunciations was to cause the Plenipotentiaries to scratch their heads in wonder and dismiss the authors as a bunch of well-meaning crackpots.
Heavily in the Zionists' favor was the biting rivalry between the British and French, each determined to shut the other out of the Near East if it could. Sticking in the craw of the British was the Sykes-Picot Treaty, which all but handed the Levant over to France. The British realized that they had made a bad bargain, and now this Treaty came back to haunt them. They had allowed oil, trade, potential rail-heads, and with them a de
facto control of the route to India, to slip through their fingers.
Able tacticians, they pointed out that the Balfour Declaration to which Paris had agreed, invalidated the Sykes-Picot Agreement.
The French, secure in the largest military establishment on earth, already almost at war with England over Lloyd George's support of the ill-fated Greek invasion of Asiatic Turkey, countered by claiming Palestine as an integral part of Syria, over which they held traditional rights of protection.
Though the Kaiser was chopping wood somewhere in Holland, and Generals Hindenburg and Ludendorff were now just two harmless old boys out on probation, the old German dream was still very much alive. The English had quietly taken it over as part of their profit in the war they had just fought for humanity. If it was to be put into operation they needed Palestine desperately.
The French stood pat. They wanted Palestine, but were willing to accept a condominium. The British were aghast.
They relied on the Jews and on President Wilson to provide the necessary brake to French ambitions.
As it became evident that the Zionists held the decision in their hands they were courted by both sides. Sir Mark Sykes and M. Georges-Picot, authors of the earlier agreement, both declared themselves as favoring the Zionist solution.
What the French had not figured on was the almost pathological pro-Anglicism of the Jews, enduring product of an earlier generation of English friendship. It must be noted that

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there was nothing either in the Balfour promise or in the negotiations at Versailles which assured Great Britain of the Mandate.
It was still very much open to the Powers to appoint anyone they pleased. The only positive commitment was that Palestine was to be a National Home for the Jews.
The Zionists, prompted by London, now went into action.
In the name of the Jewish people the American Jewish Congress solemnly pleaded with the Powers for the appointment of Great Britain as Mandatory because of her "peculiar relationship to the return of the Jews to Zion." Similar action was taken at congresses representing the millions of Jews in Poland and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Now at the Versailles Conference the Zionist Organization formally asked that the Mandate
should be entrusted to Great Britain under the sovereignty of the League of Nations. This request was made in an elaborate statement on the future of Palestine, in which the word `Commonwealth' reappears as a synonym for the Jewish `National Home.' This determined demand for English stewardship left nothing for France to do but gallantly withdraw her claim. She had been checkmated by a master tactician, and she took her licking gracefully.
Condensing a volume of duplicity and ingratitude in a few words, De Haas remarks that "the British at once commenced a process of whittling the phraseology before the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference." 4
So matters stood when in April of 1920 the League Council met at San Remo to go through the motions of ratifying the Mandate. World indignation over the pogrom inspired by the Generals was blazing at white heat.
The French, smiling delightedly, were confident that the Zionists had had enough of English patronage. Despite the recommendations of the Peace
Conference, technically the Sykes-Picot Agreement was the document which governed the future status of Palestine. It was still possible for Herzl's followers, enjoying the powerful French and American support, to upset the British applecart by demanding another mandatory. Weitzman, however, still believed implicitly in English honesty and good faith.

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He again reiterated the demand that England be confirmed as the trustee
for the Jewish estate.
The reaction of the Arabs to the San Remo decision was extremely friendly. Representatives of the Arab territories welcomed the idea of the Jewish State which was soon to rise up in their midst.
King Feisal of Iraq wrote a cordial letter congratulating the Zionists on their triumph.
London's delight knew no bounds. At a public demonstration to celebrate the grant and its inclusion in the peace treaty with Turkey, Lord Balfour, reminding the Arabs that they had been handed vast areas on a gold platter over five million square miles of territory, hoped that remembering all that, they will not begrudge that small niche - for it is no more than that geographically . . . being given to the people who for all these hundreds of years have been separated from it - and who surely have a title to develop on their own lines in the land of their forefathers.”
A few months later the matter was clinched for England.
The Treaty of Sevres was signed between Turkey and the Western Powers. It reiterated the decisions of the Nations, ceding Palestine with the proviso that the "Mandatory will be responsible for putting into effect the Declaration originally made on November 2, 1917 by the British Government and adopted by the other Allied Powers in favor of the establishment in Palestine of the National Home of the Jewish People.”
Secure in the knowledge that the overlordship of this coveted territory was now theirs; London sprang a series of new surprises on the Zionists. It quibbled on words, seeking to reduce the content of the Mandate by a wearing down process before producing it in its final form.
The Zionists made plea after plea, realizing that they had put their feet in quicksand. They appealed to the League as if the procrastination lay there. On February 27, 1922, representatives of the Zionist Organization went through the play-acting of informing the League Council in Paris that the Jews of Palestine, at a conference in Jaffa, appealed to the Allied and Associated Powers "to nominate Great Britain as their trustee, and to
confer on her the government of Palestine with a view to aiding

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the Jewish People in building up their Commonwealth." s
A confirmed Zionist, President Harding made his interest known
unofficially; and in April of 1922 the United States Congress stated by resolution its profound satisfaction that "owing to the outcome of the World War and their part therein, the Jewish people, under definite and adequate international guarantee, are to be enabled . . . to recreate and reorganize a National Home in the land of their fathers," commending "this act of historic justice about to be consummated" as "an undertaking which will do honor to Christendom."
Still the British continued to hem and haw, utilizing every trifling technicality to spar for time. It was not until the revised convention with Turkey, the Treaty of Lausanne, was signed in 1923, that the Mandate, adroitly mutilated, was accepted in its final form.* The Jewish Agency, originally conceived to be a chartered colonizing body like the Hudson Bay
Company, was given the right to act in an advisory capacity, its powers limited by language ambiguous enough to be interpreted in any direction the ruling power of Palestine wanted. Also inserted in its phraseology at the last moment was an innocuous little paragraph which the Zionists paid but scant attention to.
It provided that in the territory east of Jordan, the Mandatory could postpone such provisions of the Mandate as might be inapplicable
to local conditions. It was understood that this related only to the unsettled condition of this area and the possibilities of policing it properly. What this innocent appearing clause meant in far-sighted English minds the Jews were presently to discover.
In view of later English contentions that under the Mandate they were forced to consult the Arabs in implementing their actions, it is interesting to note that the Arabs were not approached when that responsibility was handed to Britain - only the Jews were consulted. It is also remarkable that the word `Arab' never once occurs in the whole document as apart from the recognition of Arabic as one of the official languages of the country.
A most casual reading makes it plain that the League had
* See Appendix `A,' p. 571.

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engaged itself to a definite and positive policy of Jewish development,
not only permitted, but fostered and subsidized by the Government of Palestine. The Balfour Declaration and its consequence, the Mandate for Palestine, ushered in a new concept of international law, widening the scope of the law itself. While in all other cases it is the actual inhabitants of the countries in question who are dealt with, as being too backward to govern themselves, under the Palestine Mandate it is the Jewish people
as a whole who are the beneficiaries. The Mandate is clearly for an absent people who are not yet there on the ground, with the existing populations secondarily guaranteed full liberty and civil rights.' This alteration of basic law came under discussion at the twelfth meeting of the Twentieth Session of the Mandates Commission (June 1931) in connection with a British observation to the effect that "in international law there was no such thing as a Jew from the standpoint of nationality." To this the Vice-Chairman of the Commission replied that the remark
would be correct except for the existence of the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate, which had introduced a new element into this law in favor of the Jewish People.
Included in the Preamble was the Balfour Declaration and its ratification by the Powers at San Remo. The Preamble concludes that "recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their National Home in that country," certainly implying that the future Palestine should be as
Jewish as the Palestine of the Bible.
Of the direct commitments the most important was Article II which stated that "the Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish National Home as laid down in the Preamble . . ." While Article VI ordered the Mandatory to "facilitate Jewish immigration" and to "encourage, in cooperation with the Jewish Agency
. . . the close settlement of Jews on the land including State lands and wastelands not required for public purposes.”
On December 3, 1924, the United States became one of

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the contracting parties to this international arrangement. This treaty, known as the American-British Mandate Convention on Palestine, recites verbatim all the terms of the Mandate worked out by the League of Nations. In the correspondence relating to the several draft treaties submitted, it is plainly evident that the American Government considered England only as the temporary custodian for what was soon to be a Jewish State and, for this reason only, allowed herself to relinquish the special capitulation rights she had enjoyed under the old Turkish regime.
The final draft of this agreement guarantees that "the United States and its nationals shall have and enjoy all the rights and benefits secured under the terms of the Mandate to members of the League of Nations and their nationals, notwithstanding the fact that the United States is not a member of the League of Nations."
The determination of America to safeguard this arrangement from the conniving hand of European political vandalism is stated in Article VII. It reads: "Nothing contained in the present Convention shall be affected by any modification which may be made in the terms of the Mandate, as recited above, unless such modification shall have been assented to by the United States.”
For once the Nations were attempting to solve their problems in a consciously intelligent manner. They had tackled the question of Jewish homelessness vigorously, and rested from their labors sincerely believing that they had rid the world of one of its oldest problems.

THE FIRST PARTITION
At the time of the Peace Conference there was no haggling over the size of the Jewish territory. The American Commission took it for granted that "the new State would control its own source of water power and irrigation, from Mount Hermon in the east to the Jordan." 8 As conceived at the time by the Plenipotentiaries, Palestine was to comprise a minimum of some sixty thousand square miles, bounded on the north by Syria, on 98

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the southwest by Egypt, on the east by Iraq and Saudi and on the south by Saudi and the Hejaz. The English viewpoint, embodied in British Peace Handbook No. 6o on Syria and Palestine, even contended that Damascus itself could very well be included, asserting that the whole "portion of the center of Syria that lies to the east of Jebel esh-Sharki may easily be separated from northern Syria and associated with Palestine." To the
east it was understood that the Zionists could have any part of the great desert they wanted; and that the southern boundary was to be established at the historic line, the "River of Egypt." s
With the San Remo decision tucked comfortably away in its waistcoat, Downing Street, suddenly showing a neighborly spirit, began to make territorial concessions to the French at the expense of the Jewish National Home. Satisfied with those elements relating purely to the safety of their Empire, English negotiators were completely indifferent to proper Palestinian boundaries from any other point of view. The Zionists were in consternation when London serenely yielded, without the slightest objection, every area on which the future economy of the country was to be based.
Since the coming Hebrew Commonwealth had no visible fuel supplies of its own, it appeared to be vitally dependent upon water power for industrial expansion. Of essential significance to its future industrial growth was the River Litany in the north and the watershed lying directly south of Mount Hermon. This strategic sector, as well as the lands of Naphthali, Dan and Manasseh was lopped off and uselessly handed to Syria. Also trimmed away was the Hauran, ancient granary of Israel, and
most of fertile, well-watered Galilee whence came the chief Zealots and patriots of the Roman wars.
Mincing no words, Colonel Wedgwood wrote that this first jettison of the patrimony of Israel had been actuated by a fit of sheer pique to annoy the Jews.'°
Outraged by what he also considered an act of unpardonable vandalism, President Wilson rose from his sick bed and cabled the following protest to the British Cabinet: "The Zionist cause depends upon rational northern and eastern boundaries for a

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self-sustaining, economic development of the country. This means on the north, Palestine must include the Litany River and the watersheds of the Hermon and on the east it must include the plains of the Jaulon and the Hauran. Narrower than this is a mutilation. . . I need not remind you that neither in this country nor in Paris has there been any opposition to the Zionist program, and to its realization the boundaries I have named are
indispensable."
This was in the Spring of 1920. Procrastinating, sugaring the Zionists with promises, London finally amended the Franco-British Convention to recover a few square miles of the headwaters of the Jordan and ignored further protest. The area of the Jewish National Home had now been shrunk to some 44,000 square miles: approximately 10,000 square miles west of the Jordan and 34,000 to the east.
The logic of this inexplicable indifference to British interests became clear later when the Zionists began to get a glimpse of what was in the back of the bureaucratic mind. Even at the sacrifice of desired territory, they wanted to make certain that Zionism could not succeed. A Zionist Palestine they regarded as a new Ireland in embryo, a development even more fraught with trouble for the Empire.
They proceeded cautiously. Time was in their favor.
Bols and the Generals had been dumped overboard. To show good faith a hand-picked Jew, Sir Herbert Samuel, had been appointed first High Commissioner under the coming Civil Administration . Of this change, Colonel Patterson commented grimly: "Bols went, but the system he implanted remained.
The anti-Semitic officials that he brought with him into the country remained . . ." it
CHAPTER VIII
A MAN NAMED SAMUEL UNDER THE
CHAPTER VIII
A MAN NAMED SAMUEL UNDER THE COLONIAL OFFICE

The Military Administration was over. Anxious, but still unresisting, the Zionists discovered that the Palestine Mandate had been incomprehensibly shifted to the Colonial Office for implementation.   There were some among them who knew what this move meant, but the Zionist leadership as a whole was far too inexperienced and trusting to do anything about it.
The country was now being directly governed by the Crown Colony Code and by a bureau which by the very nature of its experiences and interests could not fail to be opposed to the Mandate. This type of administration is maintained almost solely for the control of uncivilized tropical or sub-tropical races. The English themselves were later to admit that it "is not
a suitable form of government for a numerous, self-reliant, progressive
people, European for the most part in outlook and equipment, if not in race." 1 The evolution of self-rule even in backward India left this stage behind in 1900.
The worst of its features is the unwritten law of the Colonial that the Colony exists chiefly to supply cheap raw material to, and to buy manufactured goods from, the mother country. It is his business to discourage industrial development, which might eventually offer substantial competition to the factories at Glasgow or the mills of Lancashire. The perfect example of desirable condition was that offered by Indian and Egyptian cotton, which after being hauled over half the globe to England, was retransported to Egypt and India and sold at a handsome profit in the shape of cotton goods.
The Colonial Office, caring nothing about developing a body of officials acquainted with the needs of the country, actually does the reverse. It wants no functionaries even remotely identified with the territory they rule; hence it rotates these officials from one colony to the other.

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Typical of the men who were to interpret the needs of Zionism were Police Chief R. B. G. Spicer, late Police Chief in Kenya Colony; Chief Secretary Mark Aitchison Young, previously Colonial Secretary for Sierra Leone; Michael Francis Joseph McDonnell, Chief Justice of the Palestine
Supreme Court, formerly Assistant District Commissioner of the Gold Coast; and Sir John Chancellor, High Commissioner of unlamented memory, who came from Southern Rhodesia where he had kept the peace with rifles.
These were all career men, suffering invariably from an ingrown sense of superiority; some of them educated and clever, others recruited from the backwash of the English slums. They were taught an attitude of cold reserve, a system of playing native factions off expertly against each other, a technique of incitement, and a calloused disregard for everything not connected with the spirit of the Crown Colony Code.
Under this set of regulations, created to serve settlements of Englishmen marooned among easily subdued or barbarian natives, the Zionists found that even the slightest trivialities had to be referred to some bureaucrat in London for decision. The plans for a hotel in Jerusalem not only had to be submitted to the Department of Public Works but that department had to refer the plans and specifications to London. De Haas and Wise
give some details on the bizarre workings of this Code in Palestine.
Native-born Jews and immigrants holding public office could not cooperate financially or as a matter of formal association in the development of the country. The Crown Colony Code forbade it. A judge was denied the right to participate in what was hoped to be an important financial institution for issuing mortgages and bonds on Jewish property. The reason given was the Crown Colony Code. Another official was refused permission to aid in the development of so unprofitable a
venture as the Hebrew Opera Company. The reason? The Crown Colony Code .2 Even though there is only a scant handful of English school-children in the area, under the Code, Palestine must pay for special British School Inspectors.
Just what rights the Crown Agents had in a mandated area

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was never made clear. But the Zionists were not to be bothered by formalities. They had a colossal disrespect for politics.
They declared that what they wanted was to `build up the country' and let politics take care of itself.

A JEWISH RULER AFTER TWO THOUSAND YEARS
Sir Herbert Samuel arrived in due course, dressed for the occasion in gold braid and a resplendent white uniform. Throughout the Jewish world he had been trumpeted as the new Moses, the man of destiny. When he at last arrived in Jerusalem, the whole majestic symbolism of the event fairly staggered the imagination of Jewry everywhere. Jews went hysterically wild with joy.
Samuel was an impressive man, handsome and soldierly looking as he clicked his heels before the welcoming cameras; though closer inspection was not so reassuring, revealing a moody face whose whole expression was searching and suspicious.
He had been Home Secretary in the British Government during the War and "had a reputation for treating Jews in a way that would not redound to the credit of a liberal gentile administrator." 3 The famous `Tay Pay' O'Connor had briefly described him as having an "utter disregard for all the occupations and prizes of life except those to be found in politics." 4
His inability to understand even the most obvious conditions under which the masses of Jewry lived is shown by an incident occurring in the Fall of 1919 when Samuel was functioning as leader of a British Committee of Investigation in Poland. Failing to reach an agreement after eight days of negotiations with the Warsaw Zionists, he asked in order to obtain a result: "Do you then accept the paragraphs of the Peace Treaty aiming at
the protection of minorities?" When this had been affirmed he inquired conclusively: "So you consequently do not want to be a nationality but a religious group?" Whereupon the Zionists broke up the negotiations as hopeless and stalked out of the room. 5
The heavens were almost covered with omens in reference to

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the mettle of Mr. . Samuel; but nevertheless the Zionists allowed
themselves to be hoaxed into accepting him. Acting on a polite hint from high British quarters, they actually sponsored him; and officially his appointment was the result of their direct demand.
Ruefully, Weitzman was later to admit: "Perhaps 1 am responsible for this chapter `Samuel.'" our - History will undoubtedly look on the man Samuel with wonder, as a striking commentary on his times. His first official act was to throw the brave Jews, jailed for their part in the self-defense during the riots, into the same class with Arab rapists by magnanimously pardoning both, all in the same breath and the same document?
Shortly after his arrival he held a reception for the members of his staff. The reaction, blurted out of the mouth of one of them was: "And there I was at Government House, and there was the Union Jack flying as large as life, and a bloody Jew sitting under it." 8
Sir Herbert was surrounded from the first by anti-Zionist subordinates, whom he was afraid to offend by appearing to favor the Jews. Horace Samuel declares that throughout his whole tenure of office Sir Herbert suffered acutely from the consciousness of being a Jew, causing him to pivot right around to an actual pro-Arab attitude.
The important Political Department of the Secretariat was assigned to an officer who labored under an intensive and fanatical hostility to the declared policy of His Majesty's Government in Palestine, one E. T. Richmond. Richmond who had referred in a signed article in the Nineteenth Century to "that iniquitous document known as the Mandate for Palestine," 9 was fairly representative of the body of officialdom. These men made no secret of their antipathy to the policy of the Balfour Declaration, which they had been appointed to carry out, contributing
the most violent anti-Jewish articles to such journals as the Edinburgh Review, the Nineteenth Century and the Fortnightly Review. 10 There was only one officer in Samuel's entire retinue who could even remotely be described as pro-Zionist. That was the gentle-mannered Sir Wyndham Deeds

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whose influence was reduced to little. In the subordinate jobs, particularly on the Police Force and Intelligence Department, nearly all the key non-British positions were filled by Arabs, who were quick to respond to the cue given them by their superiors.
The situation became so obvious that a number of Jewish officers of the Administration threw up their jobs "with the statement that they were doing so because there did not seem to be room for Jewish officials in the National Home.""
It is no exaggeration to say that every subterfuge used to obstruct Zionist advance in future years, originated with Samuel.
Characteristic of the man was this statement attributed to him "If the Jews really want Palestine they will pay more for it than it is worth." At the Fifth Session of the Permanent Mandates Commission he stated that it was "the fundamental intention of the Government" to deal with the Arabs "as if there had never been a Balfour Declaration." 12 Samuel's interference almost lost the important Dead Sea concession for the Jews. He had deliberately held it up, not considering it seemly that Jews should get such a valuable concession .13
Incongruously enough, Sir Herbert was so religious that he believed it a sin for Jews and non-Jews to intermarry. He deliberately snubbed a senior Christian official who had married a Jewish girl, remaining stiffly rude to both man and wife, even on those occasions when the duties of His Majesty's service made it impossible to avoid him.

THE POGROM OF 1921
The result of Samuel's policies was a pogrom. Only a scant year had passed since the previous massacre of Jews in Jerusalem.
Once again the lust for blood asserted itself in the narrow streets. As usual, the riots were timed with a major change in British policy, soon after to be announced.
It was the end of April. The Moslems were celebrating their annual festival of the Prophet Moses . This fiesta at which howling creatures with         quivering eyes and distorted features worked themselves into a lather, had been the starting point for

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trouble the year before . Each year, as the Moslems carried on their wild dances in the streets, anxiety spoke from the faces of the Jews until the Nebi Moussa festival was over . Notwithstanding this, the British Commandant of Police was conveniently away. The few Jews on the police force had been mysteriously taken off duty for the day.
"Bolsheviki ! Bolsheviki! The Zionists are flooding the country with Bolsheviki!" This ugly cry had reverberated from many throats, Christian and Moslem alike, for a long period of months. With tacit consent the Authorities had given sullen approval to the accusation that "every Jew is a Bolshevik."
This malignant propaganda had been carried on openly under the eye of the Administration until the saturated minds of every section of Palestine's population literally dripped with the poison. 14
Suddenly during the Festival the mad shout arose that "the Mosques were being attacked by the Bolsheviks" (Jews).
At Jaffa, starting point of trouble, the Arabs went on an orgy of murder and pillage "under the official protection and assistance of a substantial number of Jaffa police." 15 In many cases the observance of a benevolent neutrality was insufficient, and the police gave full vent to their patriotism by shooting at Jews, directing the mob and plundering Jewish shops.
A howling horde led by uniformed policemen armed with rifles, bombs and ammunition stormed the Zionist Immigration Depot. Thirteen newly arrived immigrants were butchered amid horrible scenes of rape and looting. The water-front workmen, huge ruffians armed with long boat-hooks, ran through the streets impaling Jews on their weapons. Respectable looking Arabs with well-ironed fezzes, polished shoes, wellcreased pants and starched collars, rushed into stores and helped
themselves to all kinds of merchandise. 16
The conflagration immediately spread beyond the Jaffa district.
In Tel Aviv the disarmed Jews courageously formed a self-defense, holding the `patriots' at bay with hastily mustered sticks and stones. On May 5, the settlement of Petach Tikvah was attacked by thousands of armed fellaheen from nearby villages. 6

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE
The assault was delivered in military formation, "directed by a gentleman with binoculars." 17 Hopelessly outnumbered the colonists fought with desperate courage for their lives. The colony Kfar Saba was destroyed and Rehovoth and Hedera badly damaged. Everywhere Arabs ruined beautiful
fruit orchards, the work of a lifetime, burned homes and carried off movable property and cattle. Only the circumstance that almost all Jewish workers were former soldiers prevented the Jewish National Home from being consumed in one grand conflagration."'
The most revolting spectacles had taken place. Defenseless old people and little children alike had been cut to ribbons and mutilated beyond recognition. Women were dragged out into the open street and outraged before being murdered. Bedlam shrieked all over the land of Moses, Isaiah and Jesus. Forty Jews had been killed and countless others injured on the first day alone, before the iron hand of official censorship made all other casualty figures a pure matter of conjecture. Horace Samuel
observes bitterly that the Government "refrained from publishing the number of the Arabs who had been killed in the attack on Petach Tikvah, for fear presumably of unduly depressing and discouraging Arab susceptibilities." 19 The property damage was incalculable.
All Palestine believed that British officials had prepared the disturbances behind the scenes .20 Returning to England after her visit to the Holy Land, the wife of the Labor leader Philip Snowden fixed the responsibility on "the activity of certain British subjects in Palestine and certain English politicians in England." 21 Arab politicos openly boasted of their alliance
with the British `Black Hundreds.' The visiting American clergyman, Dr. Dushaw, speaking to an English soldier in the infested area, asked him what his orders were and received the reply: "I must not shoot." 22 The policy of the police can be judged from the case of Shakeer Ali Kishek, one of the Bedouin chieftains who had led the attack on Petach Tikvah. Subsequently arrested, he "was immediately released on bail as a

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graceful gesture; while . . . the chief notable of the colony, one of the most respected Jewish colonists in the whole of Palestine, Abraham Shapiro, was arrested by order of the same officers, not on any charge, but administratively, and carted off to Jerusalem in a motor lorry." 23
As a token of its displeasure the Government plastered a punitive fine on the villages that had attacked Hedera, which the Arabs never bothered about paying. Warrants were issued against some individuals living in the notorious Tulkarm district who were identified as having been involved in the murderous assaults, but "no efforts were made to execute the warrants." 24
The Authorities refused pointblank to make any investigation, so the Zionist Commission together with Judge Horace Samuel and Mr. . Sacher engaged the services of a British enquiry agent, "who, immediately after he had gotten on the track, was promptly ordered by the military authorities to leave the Jaffa district." 25
According to the principal Medical Officer the total number of casualties in the pogrom were 95 killed and 290 wounded. 26
Lending a ghoulish touch to the after-performance, while the Jews were bowed in mourning for their dead, General Storrs, Governor of Jerusalem, arranged gay parades and interesting literary lectures as if celebrating some festival occasion. 27
The insurrection of 1921 marked a variation of Administration technique. It constituted a precedent for the principle - observed by all ensuing Administrations with almost religious scrupulousness - that every outbreak of armed Arab violence was ipso facto to be rewarded with political concessions and to be followed by a Commission of Inquiry whose importance was to be in proportion to the scale of the revolt.
The Haycraft Commission was appointed to investigate and fix responsibility for the terrible events which had just passed.
One of its three members was Harry Luke, the man whom Palestine Jewry was to hold responsible for the terrible excesses of 1929, when Jewish Palestine almost went up in smoke. This

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body finally ended by finding guilty the `Bolshevik' Jews who had been coming into the country and who had aroused the patriotic Arabs by their May Day demonstrations.
Within forty-eight hours of the Jaffa massacre, Samuel, shivering in his pants, phoned the Governor of Jaffa, instructing him to announce to the Arabs that in accordance with their request, immigration had been suspended. 28 Though this prohibition was a general one in its official terms, it was interpreted to apply only to Jews. Immigrants who were non-Jews were not affected by it. The most ludicrous stories are told of the way this ordinance was applied, Arab officials often compelling incoming immigrants to expose themselves physically in order to prove that they were not Jews, before they would allow them to land.29
Samuel went so far as to offer the Arabs complete control over
immigration, a tender they foolhardily refused. Reduced to simple terms, what they demanded was the enforced return of the Jews to their pre-war status as a tolerated minority without political rights.

This was the same Samuel who had asserted in 1917 that Jewish
immigration must be regulated by the responsible Jewish body in Palestine, and not by the Government ; and who had declared on the second anniversary of the Balfour Declaration  that Palestine must become "a purely self-governing community under the auspices of an established Jewish majority." 30 Sir Herbert was now thoroughly scared. Sir Wyndham Deeds, the only pro-Zionist in his Cabinet, was shunted off, to be superseded by one Sir Gilbert Clayton. Like a disturbed crustacean
Samuel retreated backward as far as he could go.

THE GRAND MUFTI
Implicated in the disturbances of 1920 was a political adventurer named Haj Amin al Husseini .31 Haj Amin, a leering ruffian with misshapen ears and close-cropped scanty beard, was descended from an Egyptian family known for its turbulence and penchant for intrigue . In a general housecleaning under

A MAN NAMED SAMUEL
Log taken to appease the Jews at the San Remo Conference, he had been sentenced by a British court to fifteen years at hard labor, as a dangerous gang leader and agitator. Conveniently allowed to escape by the police, Haj Amin was hiding out in neighboring Syria, a fugitive from justice. This was the gentleman whom Samuel now recalled from exile and appointed to one of the most important positions the Government had to offer. Just
as London controls the Eastern Moslems through the acquiescent Agha Khan, so it was now planned to harness the Western Moslems by setting up a counterpart to the defunct Western Caliphate, in Jerusalem.
Haj Amin was not in the literal sense an Arab patriot. He considered Western Nationalism a work of the devil. His ideal was the old Muslim particularism functioning in an area without boundaries, where none but the Faithful would be allowed to remain with bowels. Beyond that, he was somewhat stupid,
honest in his way, ambitious, and a fanatical hater of Jews.
During the war he had been an officer in the Turkish Army.
With a pardon from Sir Herbert tucked up his flowing black sleeve, this man who had fled Palestine as a common felon, now returned to find himself one of the key figures in the Administration.
Despite the opposition of the then Moslem High Council, which regarded him as a parvenu hoodlum of the most unsavory stripe, Haj Amin was appointed by the High Commissioner as Grand Mufti of Jerusalem for life. Meeting in secret conclave the Moslem bigwigs rejected his nomination by an overwhelming vote . Stiffly Sir Herbert acquainted the discomfited
Moslem notables with his displeasure and ordered them to accept the reprieved convict as their religious leader.
This was only the beginning. Samuel was determined to go whole hog in anchoring this son of the Husseini in the seat of power. He created the `Supreme Moslem Council,' which was presumably authorized to elect its own leadership by democratic vote. In the balloting the Government candidate, Haj Amin al Husseini, polled only nine electoral votes against nineteen, eighteen and twelve for his three rivals . This fact, however,
weighed little with the High Commissioner, who forced the

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chosen candidate, Sheikh Hussam ed Din Effendi Jarallah, to step aside, and made Haj Amin President. Soon after, the Mufti was created Reis al Ulema, president of the religious (Sharia) courts, thus concentrating in his hands the highest posts of distinction and power Palestine had to offer a Moslem.
Few men have had such benefactors as Haj Amin discovered in Sir Herbert Samuel. In his person he now combined the headship of the Church and the Law, so closely connected in the Islamic religion. Under the Turks the Wakf, or religious bequests, were under rigid State supervision from Istanbul.
These were now handed over to the Mufti free of all control by the State. He was given complete authority over all Wakf or other charitable endowments, as well as the Mohammedan courts and educational institutions, including even the Industrial School in Jerusalem . In addition he was provided with a handsome salary out of the public funds; and a staff of two hundred and fifty paid assistants was allowed the Supreme Moslem Council to superintend the six hundred men employed in the various Wak f departments.
As if to make the anti-Jewish lineup airtight, Sir Herbert took the pet scheme of the Generals, the Moslem-Christian Union, under his wing. Although a large number of Arabs objected, he gave it semi-official standing. Under his generous patronage it soon developed strong roots.


THE CHURCHILL WHITE PAPER


In June 1922, Samuel drew up a long document, deadly in its import to the Jews, which when signed by Winston Churchill became known as the Churchill White Paper. The Papal Secretary, Cardinal Gaspari, annoyed by the procrastination in formulating Article XIV of the Mandate, regulating the Holy Places, had put up an outright demand that this Article be clarified and acted upon. Whitehall chose this occasion for another of its flank attacks on the Zionist position in Palestine.
London's principal objective now was covertly to cut off the Zionist Organization from any share in the Administration. The

A MAN NAMED SAMUEL III
document it issued to accomplish this purpose constituted a bold
reinterpretation of the Balfour Declaration . With carefully chosen words it smashes at the legal base for Zionist repatriation, arriving at the remarkable conclusion that the terms of Balfour's Declaration "do not contemplate that Palestine as a whole should be converted into a Jewish National Home, but that such a Home should be founded in Palestine."
In phrases unctuous with sophistry the White Paper attempts to explain away Britain's pledged word and the commitments on which the Jewish National Home was based. The purpose of the Declaration, it now discovers, "is not the imposition of a Jewish nationality . . . but the further development of the existing Jewish community, with the assistance of Jews in other parts of the world, in order that it may become a centre in which the Jewish people as a whole may take, on grounds of religion and race, an interest and a pride. But in order that this community should have the best prospect of free development and provide a full opportunity for the Jewish people to display its capacities, it is essential that it should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance. That is the reason why it is necessary that the existence of a Jewish national home in Palestine should be internationally guaranteed, and that it should be formally recognized to rest upon ancient historic connection."
Thus in two short years Samuel had changed from an impassioned
advocate of the reborn Jewish State, to a pleader for "a national Jewish home in Palestine." As a trial balloon for the Colonial Office he had already reinterpreted the Declaration to mean that "these words [National Home] mean that the Jews . . . should be enabled to found here their home, and that some amongst them, within the limits fixed by numbers and the interests of the present population, should come to Palestine in order to help by their resources and efforts to develop the
country to the advantage of all its inhabitants." Thus, in a sentence, the 2ooo-year old Jewish dream, the unbroken hope for which countless generations of martyrs fought and prayed, is reduced to a philanthropic scheme for improving the economic

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nomic position of the Palestine Arabs by bringing in a leavening
of able, enterprising Jews.
Buried in the Churchill-Samuel White Paper was a neat little paragraph holding that while Jews had every right to return to their homeland freely, this immigration must not be so great in volume "as to exceed whatever may be the economic capacity of the country at the time to absorb new arrivals." This sounded very nice and sensible; but it was to prove the formula which future anti-Semitic administrations utilized to justify their depredations by principle.
Included also was a scheme for an elective Legislative Assembly to be composed of a trinity of Arabs, Jews and British officials, who would presumably spend their time in the subtleties of reciprocal intrigue. Samuel had originated this as bait for the Arabs, who were mortifying His Excellency by referring to the Administration as `that Jewish Government.      . .'
Ably the White Paper juggled words, hemmed and hawed, to make it clear that Palestine was in future to be considered like any other non-Jewish country, under certain conditions willing to accept a given number of Jews and even to grant them a certain specious autonomy-but no more. Herzl's dream had been permanently laid in moth balls.
The Zionists were in an uproar. The White Paper had been sprung on them out of the clear sky, a few days before the terms of the Mandate were to be published in their final form.
Fuming with indignation, the Zionist Executive balked. At this, Churchill called in the ever reliable Weitzman and pointed out to him that the tenor of the Memorandum was a reflection of British needs in the Near East. Britain had to go slow. Her situation in Egypt and India was critical in the extreme.
Churchill, the friend of Zionism, pleaded with Weitzman and his colleagues, the friends of Great Britain, to accept the Memorandum and to trust that Britain, realizing why they had accepted it, would make ample amends at some future date .32
Having reminded Weitzman of the obligations of British patriots, the clever English statesman drove his arguments home by

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threatening to cancel the entire Mandate if the Executive did not agree in twenty-four hours. 33
Weitzman hurriedly called a meeting of his colleagues, most of whom wanted desperately to call Churchill's bluff. The fact was that the only method by which the projected revision of Jewish status in Palestine could be accomplished legally, was with the consent of the Jewish leaders. But Weitzman wheedled and cajoled, and his associates finally agreed, signing the death warrant of their own movement in one of the most astonishing capitulations to high pressure salesmanship on record.
There can be no doubt that the largest share of the Zionist acquiescence to this move rested on an exaggerated loyalty to the interests of their friend and patron, Britain. They were told that this was merely a temporary makeshift to pull British administrators through a bad spot in the Levant. Had they stood their ground, any coercive tactics used against them would have reacted infallibly against the schemers in London and Jerusalem.
The French still wanted Palestine, and the only title Britain had there was vested in her Jewish wards.
Acceptance of the White Paper at the same time placed the Zionist stamp of approval on another outrage even more deadly to their hopes.

SEVERANCE OF TRANSJORDAN
On the second anniversary of the Balfour Declaration Samuel had quite rationally declaimed that "you cannot have numbers without area and territory. Every expert knows that for a prosperous Palestine an adequate territory beyond the Jordan is indispensable." Yet it was Samuel who cut off Trans-Jordan from the Jewish National Home and handed it to some foreign Arabs for a private pasturage.
Palestine east of the Jordan comprised some two-thirds of the entire mandated area - by far the best part of it, well-watered, fertile, and as empty as the American West when Daniel Boone crossed over from Carolina . The history of Israel is written
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indelibly over every part of its hills and plains. It was the permanent home of two of the Twelve Tribes, as well as the half tribe of Manasseh. The five cities of the plain were Trans-Jordanic . Two of them, Nebo and Pisgah, are like household words.
Between 1918 and 1921, when the creation of a Jewish National Home was being negotiated with the Zionists by the British Government, there was no question of a Palestine West of the Jordan River or East of the Jordan River.
The Balfour Declaration embraced both sides of the Jordan. When one of
the Zionist spokesmen mentioned the eastern boundary of Palestine he was informed that there was no eastern boundary because in the east Palestine bordered on the desert. 34 It is important also to recall that in the Zionist proposals presented to the Peace Conference in February I9I9 (the text of which, like that of all Zionist political documents of the time, had first been seen and approved by the British Government) Trans-Jordan was as a matter of course included in the boundaries of Palestine.
This whole area was embraced in the British Mandate largely because of London's insistence on "a good eastern frontier for the Jewish Government in Palestine." Argument had arisen as to whether Syria or Palestine should get the territory. Unanimously the British papers pounded the drums for its inclusion lest Palestine be unforgivably mutilated by letting the French have it. The London Times insisted that Palestine without Trans-Jordan was a travesty on good sense; 35 the Manchester Guardian alleged that both from a historical and economic
viewpoint Trans-Jordan was an organic part of the Holy Land.
Downing Street had demanded Trans-Jordan in the name of "the forthcoming Zionist Government," 36 and the French finally conceded the issue. Under the Leygues-Harding Agreement, signed December 23, 1920, in Paris, this territory was relinquished by the French in favor of the Palestine Mandate Agreement. Britain now had a solid land bridge to Iraq and "
the East, but the military clique was not satisfied as long as there
was a Gallic foot on that part of the globe.

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Feisal, puppet of the British generals, had just been driven out of Syria by French rifles. His brother, Abdullah, a plump, bearded little man, strikingly like a dark edition of Lenin in appearance, was approached by the Military, who were still looking for a tool with which to pull their chestnuts out of the fire.
In March of 1921 the so-called Churchill Conference took place in Cairo, where it was decided that Feisal, rejected by the French, would get the throne of Iraq and that his brother Abdullah who had been crowned King of Iraq during Feisal's `reign' in Damascus, should be quietly supported in one last attempt at ousting the French. 37
Abdullah, gathering an army of his wild nomads, marched out of the Hejaz and headed north for Syria. He got as far as Amman in Trans-Jordan, when the French quietly let it be known that they had had just about their belly full of English intrigue.
Samuel again grew jittery. He had to curb the Military or face the possibility of the French attacking Abdullah in Trans-Jordan and remaining there . But Abdullah refused to budge.
It seemed necessary to placate him in some fashion-and Sir Herbert had a brilliant idea : he invited the little Arab to a conference to `talk things over,' and suggested that he park a while in the territory of the Jewish National Home. Abdullah, gaping at this unexpected chance for power, thought that this would be very nice. He took over the administration of Eastern Palestine "for a period of six months," ostensibly to restore order 38 - a rather comic provision since the only disorder in the territory was that created by Abdullah and his Sherifian Army itself.
Stroking his chin quizzically at Samuel's droll move, Churchill waited for the Zionists to blow the roof off. For once Winston Churchill, master of bluff and stratagem, was nonplussed. The Zionists had been gagged by Samuel's threat of still further restrictions, and their silence was token of acquiescence.
Secure in the knowledge that Jewish spokesmen would not prove troublesome, London began searching for a basis to further separate Eastern Palestine from the rest of the country.

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The earlier drafts of the Mandate all contained twenty-seven paragraphs, none of which mentioned a separate Transjordan.
The final text, sprung with the quickness of legerdemain, consisted
of twenty-eight paragraphs. The new one, number twentyfive, empowered the Mandatory with the consent of the Council of the League of Nations, "to withhold or set aside, in the territories between the Jordan River and the eastern boundaries of Palestine, the employment of such mandate agreements which are found to be inapplicable because of local conditions," certainly an innocent enough appearing proviso. It was explained on the basis of Britain's anxiety lest Jewish life be sacrificed if colonization were attempted before this turbulent, lawless area was
pacified and made suitable for European settlement. It must be pointed out that this article, though it stipulates for the first time a difference between East and West Palestine, nevertheless considers the former an integral part of the Jewish National Home and in no sense even infers its right to separation; its carefully chosen words merely `entitling' the Mandatory to meet temporary emergency conditions, as they might arise, in a special manner - that is by "postponing and withholding" the application of the Mandatory provisions for the Jewish National
Home. 39
Great Britain had no rights in this territory which enabled her to dispose of it. Article V of the Mandate stipulates that "the Mandatory shall be responsible that no Palestine territory shall be ceded or leased to, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign power." Certainly the act of handing it over to these invaders from the Hejaz was a clear violation of both the spirit and letter of this provision.
Right after the Zionists, cringing under Churchill's empty threat, ratified the White Paper, Abdullah and his invaders were installed as masters of Eastern Palestine. In July the terms of the Mandate for Palestine were approved by the League of Nations, and in the same month Abdullah was formally instated as Emir of Transjordan. Adding insult to injury, the Palestine exchequer handed him f180,000 to cover his initial expenses -
the beginning of a long list of generous subsidies paid out of the

A MAN NAMED SAMUEL
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treasury of the Jewish National Home. Sonorously Sir Herbert declared "in the name of the British Government . . . that Great Britain is willing to recognize the independence of Transjordan under Emir Abdullah." This was a polite euphemism since Transjordan was ruled directly through a British Resident acting on behalf of the High Commissioner.
The second brutal rape of the territory of the Jewish National Home was now all but accomplished. Transjordan henceforward became the only territory in the world to all intents and purposes JUDENREIN (free of Jews).  It was the first country to prohibit Jews from even practicing a profession or owning land.
Its ban on them was complete.

Beyond whimpering a little, the Zionist Executive kept its peace, and actually covered up this gigantic theft of the Jewish patrimony by a new festival campaign "for the Jewish National Fund." As late as October 1934, Dr. Weitzman was with gentle self-abnegation declaring that "we do not wish to change the status of Trans-Jordan by applying the Balfour Declaration there. . ." 40


SAMUEL IS REPLACED
Probably no man was so cordially detested by his own people as this latter-day Herod called Herbert Samuel. In any other community this deep-seated resentment would have flared up in periodic attempts at violence. Jews, who have an instinctive abhorrence of lawlessness as a method of settling their problems, kept their peace but hardly hated him the less.
Among his public acts was the matter of the allotment of the Crown lands, which under the Mandate were to have been placed at the disposal of the Zionists. The story of their distribution is amazing.
The cream of these Government lands were in the Beisan area, in the fertile region known as the Ghor Valley. When the British first took over they found this territory, according to the subsequent report of Lewis French, inhabited by a degraded, sickly population who lived in mud hovels, "and of too

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low intelligence to be receptive to any suggestions for improvement of their housing, water supply or education . . . There were no trees, no vegetables. The fellaheen, if not themselves cattle thieves, were always ready to harbour these and other criminals. . . The Bedu, wild and lawless by nature, were constantly at feud with their neighbors on both sides of the Jordan, and raids and highway robberies formed their staple industry. ."
His Excellency had visited Beisan, chief marketing town of this section, and had been "received with hostility and contumely" by the ruffian population, a Transjordan tribe of nomads who had pitched camp there for the winter.
Nettled, Samuel returned to his earlier technique of placating the tribesmen with gifts. He immediately announced that he was giving the Beisan lands to the same truculent nomads who had insulted him. All told, the Government gave these Arabs almost four hundred thousand dunams (a dunam is about a quarter of an acre) 41 of the best land in Palestine, while the Jews received not so much as a square yard. 42 At the most conservative estimate the land was worth at least C 6 per dunam, even at that time . It was disposed of to the Bedouins for C 1 per dunam, to be paid in yearly installments of two shillings each.
Immediately these lands became the subject of the most cynical
speculation. Tribesmen were not interested in the hard work cultivation requires and most of them were given far more acreage than they could handle by themselves. The net result was that the major part of the soil was immediately offered to the Zionists at fancy prices . Even more sardonic, much of the land given to these Bedouins was resold later to the Government at a profit of some 500 percent, to be used for the resettlement of so-called displaced Arabs .43 Everywhere Arab speculators entered, scenting a middleman's profit. Many of the
tribesmen sold at inflated prices and disappeared into Transjordan and Iraq, rich beyond their fondest dreams of avarice.
The Government was now in fact compelled to tackle a new problem: that of preventing the Beisan lands from subsequently falling into the hands of land-hungry Jews, who were willing to offer almost any price.

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It was during Sir Herbert's regime that Arab opposition to the Jews took definite form and grooved itself. The entire Administration was honey-combed with anti-Semitic officials who made the Executive Offices a nest of pro-Arab activity.
Samuel, masking himself behind a screen of `liberalism,' made not the slightest move to interfere.
When in 1925 Sir Herbert Samuel was relieved by Lord Plumer, Jewish Palestine woke as from a nightmare and breathed free again. He had done about as much damage as it was possible for one man to do to the Jewish cause; but the Zionist Organization thought it politic to go through the mummery of giving him a testimonial banquet. 44

FIELD MARSHAL LORD PLUMER
When the hated Samuel finally packed his duffle and left for England, the Zionists experienced another of those swift surprises that were so continually being prepared for them.
Article IV of the Mandate makes it clear that the Jewish Agency has certain powers, that it should be consulted concerning the appointment of any High Commissioner. The Bureaucrats destroyed the vestigial remnant of this section of England's pledge when they made a test case of it and appointed Field Marshal Lord Plumer out of the clear sky. The Zionists, living up to precedent, simply looked startled and went about their business of `non-political' activities .
Compared to Samuel, Plumer was a vision of fair delight.
By any other reasonable criterion he was a total loss. The Field Marshal was a hard man, iron-willed, who ruled with a clenched fist. He was the only High Commissioner who held his Jew-baiting subordinates within reasonable check. The best that can be said for him is that under his rule there were no pogroms.
When the Arabs, persisting naively in the same tactics which were so successful under Samuel, approached him in delegation, warning that if a planned procession of Jewish war veterans were held, they "would not be responsible for the peace of Jerusalem," Plumer withered them by replying, "No one asked

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you to be responsible .. I am the High Commissioner and I will be responsible." The Arabs never tried that trick again as long as the Field Marshal remained in Palestine.
However, the old policies continued unchanged. Typical of his regime is the loan of f 20,000 to the Beersheba Bedouins in 1928 to quiet their grumbling against the indirect Governmental refusal to allow land sales to Jews. 45 It was also under Plumer that Jews were practically banned from participation in the defense forces of the country.
A whole succession of carefully developed ordinances directed against Zionist penetration marked his regime. Despite this, the Zionists, with good reason fearful of his unknown successor, were sorry to see him go.
When he resigned, a sudden outburst of Jewish energy brought General Smuts, Zionist friend and incorruptible executive, under consideration for the post. Smuts declined, obviously not caring to accept the burden of reconciling his conscience with the policies of the Colonial Office.
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CHAPTER IX
THE WHITE PAPER BARRAGE
THE THIRD HIGH COMMISSIONER
The soldier Plumer was succeeded in 1928 by Sir John Chancellor.
Chancellor was an unfortunate choice for the Jews.
He had the general appearance of the Shakespearean actor who, with a certain forgivable pompousness, loves to play the great man. His graying hair and regular features were imposing; but his countenance was too complacent and unwrinkled for a man his age, giving an impression of appalling smugness. His contempt for Jews was so deliberate as to appear ostentatious.
It was under this man that the bloody outbreak of 1929 took place. When these excesses brought on an unlooked-for wave of world indignation that threatened to swamp his regime, he issued an hysterical statement condemning the Arabs in terms of unbridled virulence. When he saw the Zionists disinclined to press their advantage and yielding to British blandishments, he maneuvered the placing of political responsibility onto Jewish shoulders.
Chancellor was hardly equal to the standards of shrewd manipulation set by the Colonial Office . When he retired in July 1931, he became an anti-Zionist spokesman in London. No tears were shed when he left the country, to be succeeded by Lieutenant-General Arthur Grenfell Wauchope .

THE POGROM OF 1929
There are few chapters in civilized history that can match for sheer inhumanity and outrage the record of the British Government in Palestine. Now was to be written in letters dripping red with blood one of the crowning achievements of that record.
With characteristic blind-optimism the Zionist leaders were running around like fussy ants, unconscious that a heavy heel was about to crush down on their hill. With fine disregard for acteal
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conditions, they were making ready to repair to Europe for a Congress which was announced as "a turning point in the history of Zionism - the close of an illustrious epoch and the beginning of a new and still greater period." Ignored were the desperate appeals of Palestine Jewry, who knew better how to evaluate the signs and portents written on sky and fencepost than the mighty orators who held the fort in Europe.
For a period of six years the Zionist Executive had been negotiating
with powerful Jewish bodies with a view to forming a vastly enlarged Jewish Agency. Such financial giants as Felix Warburg of New York, and a galaxy of non-Zionist Jews, experienced, shrewd and capable, were now lined up. In high exultation Weitzman announced the forthcoming creation of an enlarged Jewish Agency in fact, to include an equal proportion of non-Zionists along with the Zionists.
Alarmed, the Palestine Administration watched developments like a cat at a rat-hole. Article IV of the Mandate, long ignored, gave the Jewish Agency considerable power. The Bureaucrats in Jerusalem, over-estimating the financial assistance, the fierce energy and political shrewdness which they feared would now be supplemented for the easy-going incompetence of conventional Zionist spellbinders, had been setting the stage for a discouraging blow. With an unctuous play at unknowing innocence, they built an imposing heap of the most inflammable tinder to be found in the country, and waited patiently for just the right moment before setting a match to it.
Carefully the story was built and circulated that the Jews planned to tear down the Mosque of Omar, which Muslims believe marks the exact center of the earth, and to rebuild the Temple on its site.
Immediately adjoining the Mosque is located the most sacred of all Jewish devotional objects, the Wailing Wall, last remnant of Solomon's Temple. To the practical-minded Zionists these few ancient stones did not assume any absolute significance. But it was the sanctuary of the religious Jews; and a symbol of Jewish right in the land of their fathers. Thus any

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attack on it became identified with an attack on the rights of all Jewry. Four centuries of Turkish rule had protected Jewish title to this holy place without disturbance. Neither the Wall itself nor the immediate patch of Temple area at the top had any particular interest to Islam. For as long as the memory of man, no Muslim had been known to concern himself with the spectacle of these few bearded Jews weeping over the ancient stones.
Now suddenly they discovered a deep interest in the vicinity of the Wall and ended by claiming ownership for themselves.
A whole series of petty persecutions, abetted by the authorities in
Jerusalem, followed. Stones were thrown at the worshipers, who were jeered at and insulted. The pavement in front was systematically covered with offal from donkeys on the day of the Sabbath services. A rest room was erected abutting the Wall itself, and a hospice was established adjacent to it, with a Home for the Aged in another adjoining house. Dervishes were put in a nearby garden, who synchronized their dancing, drumming and noisemaking with the Jewish worship. Finally a Muezzin popped up on the roof of an abutting house, coming out five times daily to scream out his incitement to the Faithful.
The Wall had been a cul de sac, and when the Government allowed, or instigated, the Muslims to erect a mosque on the right side of it, and to break through the Wall proper to open a new avenue to the Mosque of Omar, all Jewish Palestine rose in indignant protest. Donkeys and their Muslim masters now passed in droves through the sacred precincts which had been undisturbed for centuries except for the soft prayers of the
worshipers.
On the Day of Atonement, holiest day of the Jewish calendar, Keith-Roach, Governor of Jerusalem, learned that the worshipers had placed a portable screen at the Wall to protect themselves from Arab abuse. The Neilab, or closing services, were being recited when an English officer, under the Governor's instruction, violently broke into the midst of the worship, with no more regard than if he were invading a den of thieves, and removed the screen.

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Incident now followed incident, with the Arabs growing daily more pugnacious and the Administration openly abetting them.
Matters had been allowed to develop to such a point of high tension that it seemed as if taut nerves must burst if even a firecracker popped. In the Arab press an intensive anti-Zionist and anti-Jewish campaign was going full blast. The Protocols of the Elders of Zion were being widely circulated. The Communists, too, like great carrion birds sensing disaster from afar,
had joined in the campaign of incitement, urging "an Arab fight to the finish against Zionism."' Just before the actual bloodshed started, they took advantage of the growing excitement to issue a manifesto urging a general strike against the policy of the Jewish National Home.
The Zionist hierarchy had treated this pernicious propaganda with aloof disdain as small-time matters of a passing character, and airily dismissed as `alarmists' those friends who warned them that blue fury was about to blaze in the Land of Israel. Like happy children they went traipsing off to their Congress in Switzerland. The only Zionist official left in Palestine was an accountant, who when warned that the outbreaks were impending,
"merely shrugged his shoulders indifferently." 2
The High Commissioner had arranged to be absent from his post for
the first time, and was on visit to London. In charge as Acting High Commissioner was Harry Luke, polished, suave, and known to be unfriendly to Jews .3 Ruling Jerusalem was Ronald Storrs, a somewhat bald man with fine patrician features and a definite flair for the arts. 4 Storrs was a cousin of Archer Cust, secretary to Chancellor and an outspoken anti-Zionist, and was said to be a political protege of Brigadier General Blakeney, a violent anti-Semite who suffered from the delusion that the Zionists "were trying to poison him."
On August 16 a fanatical Muslim demonstration was held in Jerusalem. The mob yelling, "For Mohammed with the sword!" roared on to the Wailing Wall where they tore up Jewish prayerbooks and burned liturgical documents. This violence had been permitted by the Government and no arrests were made.
Arab agitators began touring the country, bringing word from

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the Mufti that Friday the twenty-third was to be der Tag, instructing the villagers to await orders on that day.
In this atmosphere of threat and uncertainty the Government once more deliberately disarmed the Jews, leaving the colonies defenseless. 5
The riots were precipitated by the police themselves, who with extraordinary savagery attacked a procession of mourners who were carrying the casket of a seventeen-year-old Sephardic 6 boy who had been stabbed to death by Arabs. Old men, women and children were beaten up indiscriminately.? The city was swarming with fellaheen and Bedouins armed with clubs, knives and guns and they needed no further invitation. Like a flood of death they broke loose over the city with the old cry: "Al daula Maana!" (The Government is with us.)
In Jerusalem the police watched the riots start with several hundred screaming cutthroats brandishing their weapons and shouting for Jewish blood, without making the slightest effort to stop them. One mob proceeded from the Mosque to the Nablus Gate for an attack on the Jewish Quarter of Meah Shearim.
Six mounted policemen went with them, watching the proceedings
with interest. In the Georgian Quarter of Jerusalem whole families were slaughtered by these howling `patriots.' Violation, murder and pillage took place while British officials stood on the balcony of the nearby Government House - heard the screaming and the shots - and did nothing.
For eight days the country was given over to an orgy of violence.
Far from declaring martial law the moment these outbreaks occurred, no attempt was made to disarm the invaders.
Even after the massacres began the police did not use their firearms,
under "orders from headquarters." 8 The Acting High Commissioner, Luke, cynically informed an anxious Jewish delegation begging for help, that he had "given orders not to shoot."
Jewish youths responded with hidden arms and clubs in the desperate work of self-defense. A group of visiting Oxford students did what they could to redeem the good name of England by ranging themselves on the side of the defenders and

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fighting with chivalric courage. On August 24, Luke decided to disarm all Jewish special constables in response to a request of the Mufti." The possession of arms by the Jews was everywhere and at all times illegal. Jews were sentenced to long prison terms for even owning a dagger, standard Bedouin equipment.
Those defending themselves were arrested and charged with murder.
A typical incident took place in the village of Jabniel where troops were finally dispatched in response to the frantic appeals of the villagers for help  Their first act on arrival was to arrest ten men in the village found in possession of arms. To what lengths the Administration was willing to go in immobilizing the Jewish self-defense is shown in the case of the Jewish police constable, Hinkis, sentenced to death for `murdering' one of the
attacking hoodlums. No wonder the Hebrew newspaper Davar asked in despair: "Is there a law which compels our men to deliver their lives and the lives of their children to massacre, their daughters to rape, their property to plunder? What theory and what kind of regime is it that demands such things from men?"
Horrible days of nightmare followed for the Jewish colonies, who found themselves beleaguered by veritable armies of screaming savages. The colony at Ekron sent a delegation to the British officer stationed at Naaneh. He received them brutally and refused to offer any advice as to how the Jews were to defend their lives and property. Asked what was to be done with the cattle, he said, "put them in the synagogue." And when the Jewish physician of Ekron pressed him for a sensible answer, he boxed his ears. Shaken by this ruffian attitude the colonists decided to evacuate their homes, and went down to the railroad station. At four in the afternoon, the same officer appeared with a guard and demanded all the weapons in the place. 1 "
It was at Hebron and Safed that the worst slaughters took place. At the former town the British officer in charge was a man named Cafferata. To understand the type of men the Mandatory placed in charge of the Jewish National Home, it is

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merely necessary to know that Cafferata was an intimate of the Princess Kerachi, one of the moving spirits in the anti-Semitic Internationale then taking form in Europe. Openly warned, the Jews at Hebron had appealed day by day to the Government for protection, and had been `eased' away. During the horrible massacre that finally took place, Cafferata stood calmly by, eying the awful scene as if it were some kind of theatrical
tableau. Witnesses were unanimous in reporting that even a warning, or a few shots in the air, would have dispersed the mob.
The attackers stormed the houses, and sliced their occupants to ribbons. Everything worth stealing was carried off. The rest was soaked in stolen gasoline and set on fire. If it had not been for some friendly Arab families, not a single Jewish soul in Hebron would have remained alive. After this bestial orgy had gone on for some hours, the mob was commanded to scatter.
The police, says an eye-witness, then "shot into the air, and at once the street was empty." 11
Hebron was only a carbon copy of terrible events taking place all over this stricken land. At Safed, after the same looting and slaughter, the Jewish quarter was set on fire. A sickened onlooker described its appearance as ghastly - as if guns had shot it to pieces.12 It was not until the burning petroleum was turning it into a crackling furnace, that the Chief of Police
finally gave orders to his men to shoot with blank cartridges.
This "stopped the massacre immediately, but not the pillage." 13
Refugees from Hebron and other places filled the schools and hospitals. The Government did not even deem it necessary to furnish mattresses and foodstuffs, and the Jewish relief organizations were not adequate to the misery." At Hebron the wounded were herded under horrible conditions at the police stations, without medical aid or water. According to a survivor, Zwi Greenberg, "the Governor only wanted us to wire
'Hebron all right."'
Whatever interpretation one might place on the role of the Government in this crazy melange of revenge, its actions following the riots can hardly be described as anything less than contemptible. Its press releases set a new high in official mendacity  128
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and ill-concealed dislike for the stricken victims themselves.
In its reports the attacker is classed with the attacked, the criminal with the innocent, even though not a single case existed of Jewish assault on an Arab quarter or of Jewish looting.
Following its usual technique, all Jewish newspapers were suppressed;
while Arab publications with open brazenness proclaimed Arab guilt and aggression, as if victors in some medieval holy war. Some picture of the utter depths this bias reached can be gained from the notice issued by the Administration that it "deprecated any mention of the Arabs having mutilated their victims." To this Duff exclaims: "They had not mutilated
them - they had merely hacked them to pieces." 15
Since the days of the Crusaders no such massacre of Jews in Palestine had occurred. Six colonies had been totally destroyed.
The property loss was incalculable. In the blackened rooms of what were once their homes lay the mangled bodies of hundreds of innocent creatures who had come, eager-eyed, to this country to build a new life for themselves. The wounded and maimed were everywhere. Were it not for the miracle that the Arabs attacked in broad daylight instead of night, giving the Jewish selfdefense an opportunity to organize, the Jewish Yishub * would have been wiped off the map of the Near East.


WHO WAS RESPONSIBLE?
All witnesses agree that the uprising was neither spontaneous nor unforeseen. As in the previous pogroms, evidence of careful preparation was plainly written. Setting the general tone of comment, the correspondent for Alif Beh, great Arab newspaper of Damascus, wrote "that the uprising was the result of British intrigue . . . The English were looking for an excuse to reject the demands of the Jewish Agency to participate in the administration of the country, and encouraged the Arabs to teach the Jews a lesson." Lawrence, supposed to know the
Arab better than any living Englishman, stated that "if you had four hundred decent British policemen in Palestine there would Hebrew name for the Jewish Community.

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have been no trouble for the Jews there." 16 The venerable Hindu poet, Rabindranath Tagore, urging a united fight on England by all the oppressed races, charged her with "seeking to perpetuate a state of war between the Arabs and the Jews." 17
The Frankfurter Zeitung accused London of seeking to "prove through recurrent struggles between Jews and Arabs that England must stay forever in Palestine." 18 Adding its voice to the uproar, the League's Mandates Commission lashed out at the British Government, virtually accusing it of sabotaging the Jewish National Home. 19
Everywhere it was admitted that the mob, justified or not, had acquired the belief that the Administration was on their side. Among other incidents, when some Arabs were placed in custody for their part in the Hebron massacre, they exclaimed in righteous indignation: "How is this? Weren't we told that the English are with us against the Jews ; and now the soldiers take us prisoners !" 20
In a paroxysm of revulsion Palestine Jewry spit out the gag that had smothered its voice and directly fastened responsibility on the Administration for the riots. In a grim Protest Memorandum to the High Commissioner signed by the whole Jewish community, no words were minced in calling blunt attention to "officers of the Government whose responsibility for these events is beyond doubt. . ." 21 The Memorial of the Jews of Hebron submitted to the High Commissioner "in the name of
sixty-five slaughtered, eighty-five wounded, and many orphans and widows, and in the name of the remnants of the plundered and the tortured," pathetically "accuses the Government, which did not fulfill its duty . . . the Commander Cafferata, who deprived us of the means of appealing for help and defense, betrayed us with empty promises, and gave the murderers and robbers their opportunity; the Police, which . . . behaved with contemptible baseness; and the Emissaries of the Mufti and the Muslim Council . . . who proclaimed the massacre."
The drums of horrified protest now rolled with increasing tempo all over the world. The Administration had overplayed its hand again. Realizing its error it was doing its best to cover up,

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and once again the Zionists were presented with a brilliant opportunity for reversing the tables.
Chancellor himself, noting which way the wind blew, repudiated the entire affair in these blasting words: "I have just learned with horror of the atrocious acts committed by bodies of ruthless and bloodthirsty evil-doers, savage murders perpetrated on defenseless members of the Jewish population regardless of sex, accompanied . . . by acts of unspeakable savagery, of the burning of farms and houses in town and country and of the looting and destruction of property . These crimes have brought upon
their authors the execration of all civilized people throughout the world." The Government was in full retreat all along the line, casting anxious glances at the effect on America where vital economic interests were involved, and at Egypt, Ireland and India, where local patriots were utilizing the occasion to justify their own hatred for the foreign usurper.
The Zionists, however, were hardly political-minded enough to understand their opportunity. They considered that the Jews had no strength and that their strategy must continue to be one of wheedling for slight gains. Catching its breath, the Government placated them with soft words, condemned its minions in Palestine and promised redress. The Zionists sat down to wait while various `Commissions' were sent down from London to investigate.
Having held the business-end of a live wire so long the Zionists should have been prepared for shocks. But when the `Commissions' after long delays brought in pro-Arab reports, they stared in bewildered amazement. They looked on still more unbelievingly when practically everyone accused of having a hand in the riots was promoted. Cafferata, the evil genius of Hebron, was decorated for `heroism.' Luke was rewarded for his efforts by being made Governor of Malta, a caustic commentator remarking that his appointment could do no harm since trouble had already started there.
Chancellor's "bloodthirsty evil-doers" all got off with nominal sentences. The highest term any of the Hebron murderers received was eighteen months. At no time were more than the

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most farcical efforts made at conviction. Characteristic of the style in which this business was handled was the case of a fellah who had killed the two young sons of a woman named Fruma Charkel by dashing their brains out. He had known the family for years, and had only laughed at the mother's plea for mercy while the little boys were being battered to death. With her surviving son she appeared against him, as did the invalid father and several other eye-witnesses to the attack, including the revered Rabbi Epstein. Despite this weight of testimony the court finally freed the Arab, finding "insufficient evidence." 22
Even more ribald were the `awards and amends' which the Government had contritely promised the riot victims, and which were finally doled out after an interminable wait. Here are some of the `compensation awards,' selected at random Rabbi Hassoun, whose house at Hebron had been destroyed and plundered, with a claimed damage of £ 3000, received £1100.
The Jewish Community of Hebron, with a loss of £ 2000 including the destruction of its synagogue, asylum and other communal institutions, was paid £ 54. Asher Karlinsky, whose house at Hebron was completely gutted, received £ 14. M. Klenger of Safed, with a loss estimated at            £ 11,000, came off somewhat better with an award of £ 11,040; while a sister of Rabbi Dvoretz of Hebron, who had her hand cut off and her
home reduced to a shambles, was given the sum of £ 2,100. In nice contrast, Hassan Albudeiri, an Arab lawyer of Jerusalem, who had some "personal belongings" burned, was awarded £ 348.
Beyond muttering at length on "the shameful attitude of the Government," the Jews took it like a dose of castor oil, which having once been poured down their throats, admitted of no further argument. But a still more fantastic occurrence, which even this patient people could not stomach, arose when the Arabs at Hebron, claiming `prescription rights,' commenced to plough and plant the land abandoned by the Hebron Jews in their flight. They, moreover, declined to pay debts owing to Jewish creditors, asserting them to be non-existent under the Palestine law which provides that the lender must appear in person

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to swear that the borrower received the money. The lenders had, however, all been massacred by the borrowers. There seemed to be nothing in the law which provided for such a situation, leading the newspaper Doar Hayom to ask in outraged fury whether it was the policy of the Government "to have the Hebron murderers inherit the money of their victims." 23
However, like all abominations, these things began to lose their edge as time went on and were soon half-buried in the past. In many of the villages eternal peace was declared between Arab and Jew, to the accompaniment of colorful oriental festivities and the usual slaughter of a sheep to wipe out the blood feud.
But it was only a matter of a few months before the British-Muslim combination was up to its old tricks of provocation.
A fair illustration is the case of technical school student Zilbaski, who was arrested in April 1930 for chasing Arab hoodlums who had been stoning worshipers at the Wailing Wall. Fined seven shillings he was warned, in essence, not to interfere with the pleasures of Arabs.

COMMISSIONS AND WHITE PAPERS
Headed by men whose `broad Socialist principles' had more than once declared themselves flatly in favor of the Jewish Homeland, the Labor Party sat firmly entrenched in power in England. Lord Passfield, ne Sidney Webb, Marxist radical, was Colonial Secretary. Arthur Henderson, who had drawn up a handsome resolution in 1917 approving the Zionists' right "to form a Free State under International Agreement, where the Jewish people may return and work out their own salvation without interference by those of alien race or religion," was the power behind the throne. Perched directly in the saddle was J. Ramsay MacDonald, Prime Minister and a self-announced Zionist who had asserted after visiting the Near East in 1922 "The Arab population do not and cannot use or develop the resources of Palestine . . . The country is undeveloped and underpopulated."

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During pre-war days the Socialist Internationale had been openly hostile to Zionism of any brand, recognizing in fine that a Zionist proletariat was a contradiction in terms, a force devoted incongruously both to separatist and merging principles.
Shifting its position after the War, Labor Zionism was adopted as part of the international politics of the Socialist world. A Socialist Pro-Palestine Committee was created to place the mighty strength of the movement behind Zionism. Among the most wordy in their enthusiasm for this fabulous commission were the English members, MacDonald, Landsbury, and others, who were later to disembowel their little Jewish brother with their left hand while they embraced him with their right. 24
These were the men, self-announced exponents of the coming brotherhood, who held the destinies of the Jewish experiment in their fingers. Confident of the outcome the Zionists settled back complacently to await the result of London's 'investigations.'
First to report was the Shaw Commission, releasing its findings in the Spring of 1930. The Zionists were stunned. It was evident that the `Comrades' in Downing Street had let them down pretty sadly. The Shaw report was outspokenly anti-Jewish. Charged only with investigating responsibility for the riots, it had gone far afield, conducting a probe altogether outside its sphere of reference; creating a most clever confusion of issues, and engagingly shunting off the main purpose of the investigation to the background.
It included among the immediate causes of the outbreak, the enlargement of the Jewish Agency, though it is doubtful whether any of the murderers at Hebron and Safed, where half of the Jewish victims were killed, ever heard of the Jewish Agency or its enlargement. It touched deftly on the cupidity of the Jews, and blamed the Zionists for bringing in too many potential Bolsheviks into the country. It held the primary cause
of the riots to be, in essence, the crafty way in which the Zionists had taken advantage of the innocent Arabs, who were being deprived of soil and sustenance. Thus was created the 'landless Arab' fiction which was to serve the Government of Palestine as a convenient symbol for many years. In a statement, bizarre

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even in this land of extravaganza, it found an extenuating circumstance
for the outbreak in that it was "not premeditated."
The Grand Mufti, a self-convicted perjurer whose guiltlessness was best proven when he referred the Commission to The Protocols of the Elders   of Zion,* was given an adept whitewashing.
The Commission made no mention of the source or prevalence of arms in Palestine, and failed to investigate the extent of the looting by Arabs with which the riots were accompanied and the importance of this looting as an incentive for the disturbances.
It endorsed Luke's action in disarming the Jews and refusing to fire on the mobs. It omitted to report that all the special Jewish constables had been publicly paraded and disarmed at the demand of the Arabs. While stating that all the special constables were of British nationality, it is nowhere mentioned that a large proportion of those disarmed because they were Jews were exservicemen of the British Army, many of whom had held the
King's Commission.
Only two short years before, the Government of Palestine had published the fact that "the country suffers from a lack of population - it is under-cultivated and needs capital ." 25 But the Commission now found that Palestine was overcrowded; there were too many people and not enough land to go around.
Recommended in solution was the curtailment of Jewish immigration and land purchase, and a Government subsidy to buy up acreage which was to be handed scot-free to the 'landless Arabs' wherever these worthies could be found. Completely challenging Jewish position in Palestine, the Arabs were to be given `proportionate equality,' a phrase which Hopkin Morris,
one of the Commissioners, defined to mean that "not another Jewish immigrant can be admitted to Palestine." Just how uncorrupted these recommendations might be can be easily estimated from Hopkin Morris' acknowledgment in Commons, not more than six months later, that "the Jews are perfectly right - what was promised to them meant a Jewish State ." (November 1 7, 1 930.)
Another member of the Commission, Lord Snell, turned in a
* See note 6, page 542.

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minority report fairly bristling with contempt for the findings of his colleagues. He accuses the Administration of encouraging the Arabs "to believe that they have suffered a great wrong and that the immigrant Jew constitutes a permanent menace to their livelihood and future," despite the plain fact that "Jewish activities have increased the prosperity of Palestine and raised the standard of life of the Arab worker." Far from finding the country overcrowded, he notes that "wide tracts are lying
waste" which should be made available to the Jews.
Time has shown conclusively that the findings of the Shaw Commission, as well as those of the bodies which followed in its train, were so wrong as to seem wilfully ridiculous. Each one of these Commissions proved itself more hostile than its predecessor, making recommendations so opposed to the selfevident facts as to lead one to believe that the substance of their findings must have been dictated in advance. This presumption is at least indicated, since each of these bodies appeared to
operate on a preconceived plan aimed at erecting a structure of
precedent which was to serve as authority for future commissions,
thus creating a new body of apparent facts to substitute for the actual facts.
The Zionists had been mercilessly jobbed. They choked and spluttered in amazed exasperation. The incredible posing of 'landless Arabs' in a country suffering from a drastic shortage of workers, was past understanding. So, too, was the Commission's demand that Jewish capitalists be forced to put all Arab unemployed to work before another Jew could come in, which meant literally the employment of all the natives of Northeast Africa and Arabia (since these outsiders were already flowing into the country in a steady stream).
Lloyd George, coming to the point where the Shaw Report declared that there was "no more room" in Palestine, termed the learned labors of Britain's Commissioners "mischievous nonsense."
He roared: "The report made for the Government, of which I was the head in 1919, by competent and experienced engineers, stated that by well-planned schemes of irrigation one million acres could be added to the cultivable area of Palestine,

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and that by this plan sixteen persons could be maintained for every one there now." 26


THE REPORT OF HOPE-SIMPSON
Whitehall had made provision for the howl that went up from distracted Jewry. They had another rabbit ready to be pulled out of the hat, in the shape of a new Commission which was to investigate the investigations of the previous Commission.
The trick was something like that of the catch-penny auctioneer, who glibly makes good to his spluttering victim by selling him another object more worthless than the first, accepting the parcel complained of in part payment. This is the kind of business that experienced British dealers in international legerdemain were now practicing on the naive, frightened Zionists.
The new Commission, headed by Sir John Hope-Simpson '27 was replete with a staff of `experts.' Sir John had had a good deal of experience in the mass movement of emigre populations.
He had gained his knowledge of the refugee problem as Vice-president
of the Refugee Settlements Commission (which had conducted the mass transplantation of 1,300,000 Asiatic Greeks) in Athens from 1926 to 1930. He therefore seemed to be an ideal man by both understanding and experience for this job.
On November zo, 1930, Hope-Simpson's report was published by the Government simultaneously with a Cabinet decision acting upon it. 28 With the lightning stroke of an expert matador the Zionist development in Palestine had now been handed the coup de grace. The great Jewish experiment was now all but officially dead.
In releasing both the Cabinet's White Paper and Hope-Simpson's report so precipitously, both precedent and practice were coolly ignored. Under time-sanctioned Colonial usage, the Zionists would normally, as party to the matter, have been allowed to study the Report and make the usual observations and criticisms before it was actually put into effect.
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attacks against the Jews. It embodied all the anti-Semitic conceptions
of its day: the professed inability of native races to compete with superior Jewish ability and cunning, the omnivorous greed of the `rich' Jew for further gain. It carried a de facto recommendation for numerus clausus in all directions, as the only method of keeping these objectionable Jewish attributes within reasonable bounds. As Sir John puts it, "it is the
Government's duty under the Mandate to see to it that the Arab position is not prejudiced by Jewish immigration." The Commissioner decries the purchase of land by Jews and suggests that they be prohibited by law from buying more. The unfortunate Arab had to be protected against the Hebrew who was crawling over his land like a plague. This, clothed in the niceties of diplomatic language, was the substance of Hope-Simpson's findings.
To support them he brought up an array of figures and facts, which had they been accurate, would have been imposing.
Hope-Simpson went so far as to compute (with a figure inferring mathematical precision) that 29.4% of the Arab rural population was landless, leaving in the reader's mind a vague impression that it was owing to Jewish settlement activities that landlessness had reached such alarming proportions. With nice precision, leading to the patent inference that it is the result of an exact survey, he gives the area of cultivable land as 6,544,00c? dunams. He makes no effort to explain the astounding difference between this estimate and the figure of 11,000,000 dunams
supplied by the Director of Lands of the Palestine Government to the Shaw Commission; or the figure of 12,233,000 dunams given by the Johnson-Crosbie Report on the position of agriculturists in Palestine, which had appeared shortly before. Later it was discovered that the method investigator Hope-Simpson used to arrive at this precise computation was to send up a man in an airplane, who decided what land was or was not cultivable.
This original system, wholly unique in the history of agronomy, was able to establish in a few weeks that the official Government figures, accepted as correct for years, were ioo% off.
Operating on figures which events were also to show unsuported

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by factual evidence, Hope-Simpson discovered that a fellah family needs 130 dunams of land, 28a whereas the 61,408 fellah families actually had only go dunams per family; leading ipso facto to the only possible conclusion, that the land was already overcrowded and immediately faced with a pressing problem of Arab landlessness. 29 Everywhere he uses the words 'landless' and `tenant' indiscriminately and interchangeably, leading one to wonder whether the great tenant-farmer class of England itself should not, on the same score, also be considered
'landless.'
Bespeaking the common distaste and distrust for Jews, Hope-Simpson states with ominous reserve: "The Federation of Jewish Labor continues to carry out, at the expense of World Jewry, a social and economic experiment of great interest but of questionable value. The Jewish Agency either approves of this experiment or is impotent to suppress it." (Even more explicit in its left-handed charge that the Jews were introducing
Bolshevism into Palestine, was the White Paper based on Hope-Simpson's Report, issued at the same time.) With a queer, newfound type of ethics, Sir John proclaims in regard to the settlements which were being subsidized by the Jewish National Fund, that "it is undesirable from the point of view of ordinary morality that colonists should be allowed to benefit by the large expenditure which has been made for their settlement, and yet to escape payment of the amount spent upon them . . ."
In addition to these generalities, several practical measures are included in the Hope-Simpson Report. One was the demand that irrigation work of any kind be virtually prohibited 30 (which would put an absolute stop to Jewish irrigation development); and another that the Government buy land out of the public funds, i.e., with Jewish money, to hand over to all Arabs who could prove they were landless. Jews were to be virtually
restricted to the cities. Not even in Czarist Russia had anyone ever suggested a scheme as cruel and unfair as this.
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had left his field of reference far behind and nowhere now to be seen. In the meanwhile, to leave a convenient retreat in case anything went wrong, still another `Commission,' headed by Lewis French, retired officer of the Indian Service, was puttering away in Jerusalem.


THE PASSFIELD WHITE PAPER
Lord Passfield, smug dean of English social reform theoreticians, was not long in assimilating the technique of the Colonial Office when he took over the portfolio of Colonial Minister in the Labour Cabinet. A radical whose expressed admiration of Soviet method and theory remained constant, he also observed the Bolshevik inconsistency toward the Jew : he did not concede that they had the right to be Zionists. He frankly admitted that he was opposed to the Histadruth (The Jewish Federation of Labor). He did not approve of the type the Histadruth was bringing into the country, stating openly that he preferred the old type of Palestinian immigrant of before the War, the `pious' Jew who went there to die. He emphasized that since he was a Socialist, he was not opposed to the new immigrants because they were Socialists and trade unionists, "but because they were Zionists." 31
He was nasty to Jews wherever a convenient opportunity arose, and pursued the Zionists with all the hatred a zealot holds for infidels. Asked in I930 by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency for a New Year's message to Jewry, he curtly refused. Before he took the bull by the horns to issue his `White Paper,' he had attempted to push through an ordinance ghettoizing Palestine Jewry in the cities, frustrated only by an energetic fight on the part of the Jewish Agency.
Despite all this, the Jewish Socialists continued to vocalize their undying `solidarity' with Comrade Webb, the fellow-Marxist. Commenting on a perfectly venal statement Passfield had just issued, the influential Socialist New York Jewish Forward stated editorially on July 9, I930 that "the whole document breathes a warm desire to convince the Jewish world of

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the full friendship toward Jews and toward the Jewish work in Palestine felt by the Labor-Government . . . Comrade Webb seeks to throw a new light upon certain happenings and show that these have been misinterpreted by the Jews." The wiser conservative daily Ha'aretz points out that the Labour Government of England has lent itself whole hog "to the Colonial office's conspiracy to liquidate Zionism." The `conspiracy' to
which Ha'aretz alludes had been in preparation so long that nothing short of a miracle could head it off . On November 20, 1930, Officialdom deemed that the sapping operation had been completed. Comrade Webb himself, with pious words of explanation,_ touched off the fuse.
The Zionists abruptly awoke to the realization that they had built on sand; that it was the end of them and their dreams of salvation, their fund collecting, their stereotyped statement that "our relations with the Mandatory are satisfactory."
All the distortions, the veiled anti-Jewish hostility of the Hope-Simpson Report, were in the White Paper. Benignly it asserts that since there are only 6,500,000 dunams available, there is not enough for the Arabs, who require 8,000,000; therefore land purchases in future would be permitted "only if they do not interfere with the Government's plans for development," an artful method of saying that Jews could no longer settle on the soil. To make the matter air-tight it sets up the principle that land with tenants on it cannot in future be sold - in effect freezing the vast stretches held by great Levantine landlords, mostly emigres living with their retinues in Cairo and Paris.
The, outcome of this reasoning was the recommendation for complete stoppage of immigration "in view of the responsibility under the Mandate" and of the "close relationship of immigration and the land development policy." In keeping with the same argument it holds that the older type of Jewish immigration benefited the Arabs, whereas "The Zionists' contentions regarding the benefits which their colonization work has bestowed upon the Arabs has been proven . . . fallacious."
Massing a frontal attack on the stupefied Jewish Agency, Socialist
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between the Government and the Jewish Agency regarding their respective functions, and full account must be taken of the influence in policy exerted by the General Federation of Jewish Labor over the Jewish Agency. . . It is necessary to take into account the part played by the General Federation of Jewish Labor . . . [which has] adopted a policy implying the introduction of a new social order." Here we have an astonishing though not unusual spectacle: the pot calls the kettle black; the British Labour Party, speaking as the Government of Great Britain, sanctimoniously expresses dissatisfaction with its Jewish comrades for following a line of policy in Palestine identical to that which the Labour Party itself is committed to in England.
Loading its guns for bear, the Government released at the same time a statement of policy announcing the realization of Samuel's pet scheme, the Legislative Council. This maneuver, which would have handed the country over irrevocably to Arab politicos, was issued with the remarkable explanation that it "should be of special benefit to the Arab section of the population."
As a sop to the Jews the White Paper included the usual verbiage in reference to the Government's good intentions, and the droll "hope that the White Paper will restore the confidence of the Jews in the British Government." This gratuitous bit of buffoonery was too much for even the compliant Zionist leadership.
With cries of stung anguish it bolted the traces and started to run amuck.

THE MACDONALD LETTER
Once again the Bureaucrats were to find to their amazement that they had fallen into a pit of their own digging. The Labourites, newer to Imperial sleight-of-hand, had been too incautious - far too obvious in their tactics.
For a few days it appeared to the Jews that this was the end - that Zionism had been terminated. Jewish idealists who had fought all their lives for this cause, walked down the streets of the principal metropolises of Europe, openly weeping.
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Then a sudden revulsion struck the body of Jewry. A cry of `shameful betrayal' arose, and rapidly gathered volume. Vitriolically the late Lord Melchett challenged the White Paper as "an act of almost unparalleled ingratitude and treachery . . . towards a credulous and harassed people who believed they had found a haven under the broad aegis of the British flag and the guaranteed word of British statesmen." The venerable Menachem Ussishkin, stolid and unimaginative but one of the few men with common sense in the Zionist leadership, was allowed to speak his mind. "For thirteen years," he declared, "there had been falsification. Lord Passfield . . . has spoken the truth.
England does not want us to build up Palestine. All other statements are diplomacy, or simply lies." Cut to the quick, the usually moribund Jewish Agency lambasted Passfield's document as a crude piece of dishonest writing whose purpose was "to discredit the Jewish Agency, disparage Jewish achievements in Palestine, and encourage the ill-disposed elements of the Arab population."
In America, in France and in Germany, leaders of public opinion were vying with each other in condemning the unprecedented treachery of the Labour Government. In America, Congressman Hamilton Fish Jr. threatened a Government inquiry into occurrences in Palestine, pointing to the treaty which had made the United States a legal party to the Mandate. From South Africa, General Smuts thundered that the promise to the Jews had "become world law" which "cannot now be varied unilaterally by the British Government." David Lloyd George drily challenged the good faith of the Government by declaring in Commons: "They dare not try to kill Zionism directly, but they try to put it in a refrigerator." The Jews themselves were now aroused everywhere. In Warsaw fifty thousand paraded, shouting imprecations against Britain. There was fierce talk of treating the British to the same retaliation they had suffered at the hands of the Sinn Fein movement. Far and wide the hue and cry rose from indignant throats.
In England itself the government of the day was a minority government and definitely unpopular. All the elder statesmen,
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says Sidebotham, were on the Jews' side. 32 The leaders of the
Conservative and Liberal parties gleefully seized on the affair as a mighty club to beat the Labourites over the head with. Loudly they voiced their incensed feelings and clamored for the repeal of this disgraceful pronouncement. Mr. Baldwin, Sir Austen Chamberlain, with Mr. . Amery, in a joint letter complained that the White Paper "would create in America and elsewhere a feeling of distrust in British good faith." Such world-famous luminaries as Lord Hailsham and Sir John Simon announced that the Passfield document was a flagrant breach of International
Conventions, fouling the honest name of England. Gathering strength from all quarters, the storm on the Passfield White Paper rose to whirlwind proportions.
At this point a shrewd, courageous Jewish leadership could have made an expeditious end to Colonial Office plotting. Fate had laid in their laps another rare gift of chance - a situation they could not have improved on if they had artificed it themselves, with the Bureaucrats caught flat-footed in a position they could neither defend at home nor abroad.
Until this time in their relations with London the Zionists had been suppliants. They occasionally remonstrated, complained and criticized, but never demanded. Whatever they asked, it was always in the tone of the poor relation asking alms of his rich kinsman. Now for the first time in London's experience the exasperated Zionists approached the point of open rebellion.
Weitzman himself, always so submissive to blandishment or threat, was miraculously transmuted from rabbit to lion. In unmistakable terms he swore that the Jewish people would never swallow this outrage, that neither he nor his colleagues would negotiate with the British Government so long as this infamous document continued to adorn its archives. He demanded its unconditional removal before the Zionists would consent to resume any relations whatsoever with the Mandatory
Power. His words were dynamite. They meant a showdown fight with quarter neither given nor asked. To top it all he resigned as President of the World Zionist Organization and announced that he was calling an immediate session of the Zionist
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Congress, which alone could decide what steps were to be taken.
The air fairly crackled when two days later Felix Warburg, head of the Jewish Agency, also resigned, charging that Passfield had deliberately tricked him in the behind-the-scenes negotiations, making him "the innocent vehicle of misstatements to his colleagues of the Jewish Agency." In a rousing attack in which the roiled banker stepped completely out of character, he smote the British hip and thigh, making it plain that no reliance whatsoever could be placed on the word of Passfield or the Government he represented, and that further relations with them were therefore hopeless.
Painfully alive to the situation, the Labour Government saw in consternation that the affair was assuming the proportions of a cause celebre; and that its political opponents were hoping it would prove the pole to tumble it from power. Prominent Englishmen, convinced that Britain's good name had been tarnished, were mercilessly criticizing the reports of the `Commissions' as only meant to whitewash the criminal culpability of Palestine officials. Lloyd George, still a powerful figure, had
stentoriously warned his nation: "We shall not reconcile the Arabs, but we shall alienate an even more powerful race, and, what is worse, British honour will be sullied."
The influential London Times asserted flatly that the nation could not afford to disregard the foul odor this matter had raised in all civilized
quarters, which could end in "a disagreeable political result and financial consequences that might be even more unpleasant."
The London Sunday Times, recapitulating in a fiery editorial, wrote: "First the Jews are massacred in their National Home.
The Inquiry Commission instead of fixing the immediate responsibilities,
strays outside its terms of reference and blames the Mandate, the Jews and everyone but the murderers. Then the Government instead of throwing the slovenly and biased report into the waste paper basket, proceeds to act on two of its recommendations about immigration and land and finally proceeds to hang up the Mandate altogether until someone else has reported."
And the Manchester Guardian solemnly declared "No sooner have we cured the cancer o f Ireland in our international

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relations than the indecision of MacDonald makes a worse one of Jewry."
Completely taken aback by the force of the storm that had gathered, MacDonald offered to do the noble thing. As an earnest of good intentions he held out the bait of fifteen hundred immigration certificates.
A circumstance of grave importance now threw its shadow over the entire proceedings. This was the emergence of the Socialist labor organizations as a strong factor in Zionist politics.
Although definitely in the minority, they were an important portion of the support which kept Weitzman in power.
Pressure now began quietly operating on Weitzman from the Comrades in the Labor groups, who in turn were being highpressured by the Second Internationale which had finally admitted them to membership only a few months before. Leon Blum of France and George Landsbury of England, among others, members of the Internationale's Pro-Palestine Committee,
appealed to the Comrades in Palestine in the name of the common
solidarity. They asked them to prevent the attempt to discredit the new Labour Government in Britain, by keeping the White Paper from coming up for a test vote in Commons. Mac-Donald promised, if allowed to save his face, that the situation would be quietly righted. Completely softened up by these assurances, the Jewish Comrades yielded. Weitzman, relieved of the torturing conflict with his prior British patriotism, hastily agreed. 33
Friends of Zionism, and bitter opponents of the Labour regime, waiting eagerly to crush the MacDonald Government by bringing the affair to a test vote, gulped unbelievingly when they were informed that Weitzman had given over his golden opportunity in exchange for a few suave promises and fifteen hundred immigration certificates. The Zionist Actions Committee was informed that the scheduled congress, feared by Whitehall because it was sure to be stormy and wildly anti-British, must be postponed . Weitzman had reversed himself completely, and now held out that it was necessary to `negotiate' with the English Government . His major premise for this recommendation
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was little less than astonishing: Zionist finances were not in good shape-therefore it were better to eschew `politics' and concentrate on `practical' matters.
On the Actions Committee sat the Revisionists (right-wing Zionists) and the Mizrachi (religious Zionists). The Revisionists raged; the Mizrachi resigned in protest; but the Labourites and Weizmann's personal followers were in the majority, and they held fast.
In return MacDonald issued a letter to the Zionists, which later turned out to be meaningless. Known as the MacDonald Letter, this communication promised a redefinition of the term 'landless Arabs,' now explained to refer only to such Arabs as could be shown to have been actually displaced from lands they formerly occupied; to investigate what State lands could be made available for close settlement in accordance with Article VI of the Mandate; to reestablish the principle of immigration "according to economic absorptive capacity" and to allow the Jewish Agency the right to employ all-Jewish labor on works or undertakings of its own. It also concedes the White Paper's error in attempting to substitute the words "Jewish inhabitants of Palestine" for "the Jewish People" as the beneficiaries of the Mandate, declaring "that the undertaking of the Mandate is an undertaking to the Jewish People, and not only to the Jewish population of Palestine." "In order to remove certain misconceptions and misunderstandings" about the Passfield document, MacDonald agrees that the Mandatory's "obligation to facilitate Jewish immigration and to encourage close settlement by the
Jews on the land, remains a positive obligation of the Mandate."
On February 13, 1931, the MacDonald Letter, approved by Weitzman for the Zionists, was laid before Parliament, thus becoming a State paper. Weitzman greeted this Pyrrhic victory in the manner of a man who was distributing largesse all around.
He said: ". . . Our work will benefit the whole of Palestine, including the Arabs, who have suffered from the general economic crisis, as well as the Palestine Administration which for the first time in many years now suffers from a serious deficit in its budget."
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The Government showed its bad faith immediately. The Letter was released on Saturday, by tradition a hint to newspapers not to editorialize . MacDonald had ably retreated out of an ugly situation - and had conceded little. The London politicians breathed free again. Among others, their old rivals the French, planning to make capital out of the incident, now had to drop it. 34
But the fire had been fanned so violently that it still smoldered.
At the following sessions of the Permanent Mandates Commission, the Mandatory was unmercifully cross-examined.
Hastily, Dr. Drummond Shiels, the English representative, replied that though there had been a great deal of Jewish bad feeling before, that had all been happily settled, and a love-feast had subsequently taken place between the Zionists and the British Government. The now discredited Hope-Simpson Report would be ignored and a new set of facts and figures, "ascertained by a development authority on the spot, will be the basis of the recommendations regarding the C2,500,000 Palestine development scheme which the British Government is now framing."
35 Eying his interlocutors with a bland smile, Dr. Shiels asked the Commission whether, in view of the manner in which the Premier's Letter was received by Weitzman, he (Shiels) needed to make any further comments on the controversy which had proceeded. 36
The Zionists were not long in finding out that official Britain had not lost one shade of its determination to crush their movement.
Whitehall had, however, been taught its lesson and had learned not to be too obviously precipitate. Afterwards, Officialdom was always outwardly correct in its sympathy for Jewish aspirations; but it continued relentless, in a determined pyramiding of more or less cautious artifice, seeking to break the back of an enterprise it now cordially detested.


THE KID GLOVE HIGH COMMISSIONER
In July 1931, Lieutenant-General Arthur Grenfell Wauchope became His Majesty's legate in Palestine, succeeding Chancellor.
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A slight man with a delicately chiseled face, Wauchope had been the General Officer in command of North Ireland. With him came the Black and Tans who had wreaked so much havoc in the Emerald Isle. He was unique in not being a product of the inflexible system of the Colonial Office.
He proved polite, shrewd, aesthetically inclined, even something of an artist. He was the first High Commissioner whom the Jews could even remotely understand. Sir Arthur visited their colonies - and even expressed some interest in what was going on. He has been known to give substantial personal gifts to various Jewish institutions which caught his fancy.
The Jews tended to like him. The regulations passed under his rule, clearly ear-marked as anti-Semitic measures, were usually excused by them as proceeding from `Mohammedan pressure,' or from the sheer inability of a gentile administrator to get to the bottom of Jewish problems. Even when things grew inexcusably vexatious, they still refused to credit Wauchope
with a deliberate anti-Jewish policy, and compromised by calling him vacillating and irresolute . Yet from a practical viewpoint, Wauchope was hardly an improvement over his predecessors.
During his regime the baleful French Report was released. Under Sir Arthur the disastrous rebellion of 1936-38 took place; followed by the inevitable epilogue, a new investigating `Commission.' This latest body finally recommended a plan for further partitioning the country, which if it were placed into effect, would have produced much of the same result intended by the abortive White Paper of Lord Passfield.
It is undoubtedly true that Wauchope would infinitely have preferred not to be a party to this epidemic of Jew-baiting had circumstances allowed. He is, however, a loyal servant of a system which has come to regard Zionism as dangerous to the most precious possession of Englishmen, the Empire.

THE REPORT OF MR. FRENCH
The `expert' Dr . Shiels referred to before the Mandates Commission,
whose findings were to supersede the Hope-Simpson
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Report, not only used that report for his precedent, but went it one better in every acrimonious reference to Jews. A retired official of the Indian Civil Service, Lewis French had been sent ostensibly on a great Zionist development scheme, one of the concessions agreed to by the Labour Government in its private conversations with Dr. Weitzman.
With the astuteness of long practice, French stalled for time until the agitation over the Passfield White Paper was well over.
After a year and a half of ostentatious preparation his report was
submitted to the Arab Executive, and to the Zionists, sitting in camera. The Zionists hit the ceiling - they had been beautifully jobbed once more.
The report of Mr. . French consisted in the main of a compendium of generalities against the Jews. He recommended, in brief, the adoption of a drastic Land Transfer Ordinance completely prohibiting land purchase by Jews. As if to show French's comparative reasonableness, his collaborator T . C. Kipching, more draconian still, appended an auxiliary report asserting that it was necessary for Jews to give up what land they had already acquired and migrate from Palestine.
Poor Wauchope, desperately trying to remain something of a gentleman in this whirlpool of Crown politics, found the crude dissimulations of this `Report' even more than he could stomach.
He objected. French, fuming at this `traitorous' conduct, threatened to resign.
In London, the Jewish leaders, realizing how completely they had been duped, were now hysterically raising the roof. Under instructions from Downing Street the `expert,' French, grudgingly agreed to modify his report, and finally resigned, his place being taken by a subordinate, L . Y. Andrews." Baffling months of parleying took place in which the worried Zionists were placated with the usual assurances. These were inevitably passed on to the rank and file of the movement in Weizmann's conventional words: "The situation is satisfactory. The Government
desires faithfully to discharge its obligations in the spirit of the Mandate."
On July 16, 1933 the French Report was finally issued.
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It placed land transfers completely under Government control. It stated bluntly that the hill Arabs required special protection against Jews. It elaborated tiresomely on the 'landless Arab' question. It found the Jews rich and predatory, and piously referred to the `displaced' Arab as "a son of the soil to be replaced on the land of his country."
The huge `development scheme' now turned out to be a plan to purchase citrus land for Arab settlement. Arabs were not only to be given the land without charge, but the cost of buildings, livestock, etc., was to be supplied by a paternal Government.
No recognition whatever was made of the fact that Zionism was and remained a poor and struggling movement, largely the product of the distress of the Jewish masses, of the economic pressure forcing their migration and resettlement. At that very moment there were over seven thousand agricultural workers in the Holy Land employed on private plantations who had waited from five to ten years for the chance to get a parcel of land; and abroad there were more than forty thousand young
men and women trained on the Zionist agricultural farms who were waiting anxiously for the chance to locate on a bit of Palestine's brown earth. Landless Jews, if the Government generously permitted, would have to buy their acres at prohibitive prices and depend on Jewish philanthropy for the rest.
Frankly interested in perpetuating the country in its undeveloped
state, French considers as `cultivated land,' areas "on which a few score of half-starved Bedu families are at present grazing goats and cutting reed-grass," to use his own description.
The returns of the latter `industry' have been estimated at three to five pence per dunam per year. In regard to the marshy Huleh area, a malarial swamp which the Jews were seeking official permission to drain, French agreed that "settled as Government tenants, a leavening of Jewish colonists in this tract would tend to an acceleration of the desired development after the marshes have been drained." The brazenness of this observation is probably unparalleled: the Jews are to buy the swamp,
pay for draining it, and will then be permitted to supply `a leavening' of Government tenants in its precincts. The Arabs are
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to get the balance without cost. Jewish settlement on the land no longer appears as one of the primary purposes of the Mandate, let alone a positive obligation of the Government. It is now merely to serve as a device, to be applied in small doses only, for the stimulation and enlightenment of Arab agriculturists.
The French Report proposed legislation of an advanced type scarcely conceivable outside of Russia. It sought to create a body of peasants permanently attached to the soil and denied freedom of movement, a scheme which the indignant Jewish Agency describes as "an attempt to reestablish the medieval institution of Glebae Adscriptae." 38 The directness of this subterfuge is shown in French's recommendation that occupancy rights be dated as of two years back, "notwithstanding that the holding may have been since that date let to some other persons,
or may have been left unlet." The new owner or lessee is left without remedy or compensation, though he may have incurred great expense in moving on the land and in improving it. This provision, granting prescriptive rights to people who may have left the soil, disregarding the rights of others who may have purchased or obtained leases meanwhile, is only understandable in light of the fact that the new holders were invariably Jews.
Another clause of this document practically fixes maximum rentals in perpetuity, so that more attractive tenant offers to landlords could not be made. Incensed, the Jewish Agency screwed up its courage to declare that the purpose "of the proposed clause is to perpetuate uneconomic use of the land and obstruct development."
In practice, acceptance of this Report would make the establishment of new Jewish colonies a complete impossibility. The Jews were to be put in a straight-jacket as they were in the Russian Pale, forever condemned to be city dwellers and petty traders.
Thus turned out the great `Palestine Development Scheme' with which Shiels had cajoled the League's Mandates Commission almost two years before.

BOOK TWO
CHAPTER I
JEWS HAVE A REPUTATION FOR INTELLIGENCE
THE ZIONIST ORGANIZATION

THE RAPE OF PALESTINE by WILLIAM B. ZIFF - Book 2 of 4

BOOK TWO
CHAPTER I
JEWS HAVE A REPUTATION FOR INTELLIGENCE

THE ZIONIST ORGANIZATION

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